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Introductory Notes

BOOK XXVIII. ZANG WANG.

Zang Wang, explaining the characters as I have done, fairly indicates the subject-matter of the Book. Not that we have a king in every illustration, but the personages adduced are always men of worth, who decline the throne, or gift, or distinction of whatever nature, proffered to them, and feel that they have something better to live for.

A persuasion, however, is widely spread, that this Book and the three that follow are all spurious. The first critic of note to challenge their genuineness was Sû Shih (better known as Sû Tung-pho, A. D. 1046-1101); and now, some of the best editors, such as Lin Hsî-kung, do not admit them into their texts, while others who are not bold enough to exclude them altogether, do not think it worth their while to discuss them seriously. Hû Wän-ying, for instance, says, 'Their style is poor and mean, and they are, without doubt, forgeries. I will not therefore trouble myself with comments of praise or blame upon them. The reader may accept or reject them at his pleasure.'

But something may be said for them. Sze-mâ Khien seems to have been acquainted with them all. In his short biographical notice of Kwang-dze, he says, 'He made the Old Fisherman, the Robber Kih, and the Cutting Open Satchels, to defame and calumniate the disciples of Confucius.' Khien does not indeed mention our present Book along with XXX and XXXI, but it is less open to objection on the ground he mentions than they are. I think if it had stood alone, it would not have been condemned.

Book XXVIII
Part III Section VI

Zang Wang, or 'Kings who have wished to resign the Throne¹.'

1. Yâo proposed to resign the throne to Hsü Yû, who would not accept it. He then offered it to Dze-kâu Kih-fû², but he said, 'It is not unreasonable to propose that I should occupy the throne, but I happen to be suffering under a painful sorrow and illness. While I am engaged in dealing with it, I have not leisure to govern the kingdom.' Now the throne is the most important of all positions, and yet this man would not occupy it to the injury of his life; how much less would he have allowed any other thing to do so! But only he who does not care to rule the kingdom is fit to be entrusted with it.

Shun proposed to resign the throne to Dze-kâu Kih-po², who declined in the very same terms as Kih-fû had done. Now the kingdom is the greatest of all concerns, and yet this man would not give his life in exchange for the throne. This shows how they who possess the Tâo differ from common men.

Shun proposed to resign the throne to Shan Küan³, who said, 'I am a unit in the midst of space and time. In winter I wear skins and furs; in summer, grass-cloth and linen; in spring I plough and sow, my strength being equal to the toil; in autumn I gather in my harvest, and am prepared to cease from labour and eat. At sunrise I get up and work; at sunset I rest. So do I enjoy myself between heaven and earth, and my mind is content:—why should I have anything to do with the throne? Alas! that you, Sir, do not know me better!' Thereupon he declined the proffer, and went away, deep among the hills, no man knew where.

Shun proposed to resign the throne to his friend, a farmer of Shih-hû⁴. The farmer, however, said (to himself), 'How full of vigour does our lord show himself, and how exuberant is his strength! If Shun with all his powers be not equal (to the task of government, how should I be so?).' On this he took his wife on his back, led his son by the hand, and went away to the sea-coast, from which to the end of his life he did not come back.

When Thâi-wang Than-fû⁵ was dwelling in Pin⁵, the wild tribes of the North attacked him. He tried to serve them with skins and silks, but they were not satisfied. He tried to serve them with dogs and horses, but they were not satisfied, and then with pearls and jade, but they were not satisfied. What they sought was his territory. Thâi-wang Than-fû said (to his people), 'To dwell with the elder brother and cause the younger brother to be killed, or with the father and cause the son to be killed,—this is what I cannot bear to do. Make an effort, my children, to remain here. What difference is there between being my subjects, or the subjects of those wild people? And I have heard that a man does not use that which he employs for nourishing his people to injure them.' Thereupon he took his staff and switch and left, but the people followed him in an unbroken train, and he established a (new) state at the foot of mount Khî⁶. Thus Thâi-wang Than-fû might be pronounced one who could give its (due) honour to life. Those who are able to do so, though they may be rich and noble, will not, for that which nourishes them, injure their persons; and though they may be poor and mean, will not, for the sake of gain, involve their bodies (in danger). The men of the present age who occupy high offices and are of honourable rank all lose these (advantages) again, and in the prospect of gain lightly expose their persons to ruin:—is it not a case of delusion?

The people of Yüeh three times in succession killed their ruler, and the prince Sâu⁷, distressed by it, made his escape to the caves of Tan, so that Yüeh was left without a ruler. The people sought for the prince, but could not find him, till (at last) they followed him to the cave of Tan. The prince was not willing to come out to them, but they smoked him out with moxa, and made him mount the royal chariot. As he took hold of the strap, and mounted the carriage, he looked up to heaven, and called out, 'O Ruler, O Ruler, could you not have spared me this?' Prince Sâu did not dislike being ruler;—he disliked the evil inseparable from being so. It may be said of him that he would not for the sake of a kingdom endanger his life; and this indeed was the reason why the people of Yüeh wanted to get him for their ruler.

2. Han⁸ and Wei⁸ were contending about some territory which one of them had wrested from the other. Dze-hwâ Dze⁹ went to see the marquis Kâo-hsî (of Han)¹⁰, and, finding him looking sorrowful, said, 'Suppose now that all the states were to sign an agreement before you to the effect that "Whoever should with his left hand carry off (the territory in dispute) should lose his right hand, and whoever should do so with his right hand should lose his left hand, but that, nevertheless, he who should carry it off was sure to obtain the whole kingdom;" would your lordship feel yourself able to carry it off?' The marquis said, 'I would not carry it off,' and Dze-hwâ rejoined, 'Very good. Looking at the thing from this point of view, your two arms are of more value to you than the whole kingdom. But your body is of more value than your two arms, and Han is of much less value than the whole kingdom. The territory for which you are now contending is further much less important than Han:—your lordship, since you feel so much concern for your body, should not be endangering your life by indulging your sorrow.

The marquis Kâo-hsî said, 'Good! Many have given me their counsel about this matter; but I never heard what you have said.' Dze-hwâ Dze may be said to have known well what was of great importance and what was of little.

3. The ruler of Lû, having heard that Yen Ho¹¹ had attained to the Tâo, sent a messenger, with a gift of silks, to prepare the way for further communication with him. Yen Ho was waiting at the door of a mean house, in a dress of coarse hempen cloth, and himself feeding a cow¹². When the messenger arrived, Yen Ho himself confronted him. 'Is this,' said the messenger, 'the house of Yen Ho?' 'It is,' was the reply; and the other was presenting the silks to him, when he said, 'I am afraid you heard (your instructions) wrongly, and that he who sent you will blame you. You had better make sure.' The messenger on this returned, and made sure that he was right; but when he came back, and sought for Yen Ho, he was not to be found.

Yes; men like Yen Ho do of a truth dislike riches and honours. Hence it is said, 'The true object of the Tâo is the regulation of the person. Quite subordinate to this is its use in the management of the state and the clan; while the government of the kingdom is but the dust and refuse of it.' From this we may see that the services of the Tîs and Kings are but a surplusage of the work of the sages, and do not contribute to complete the person or nourish the life. Yet the superior men of the present age will, most of them, throw away their lives for the sake of their persons, in pursuing their (material) objects;—is it not cause for grief? Whenever a sage is initiating any movement, he is sure to examine the motive which influences him, and what he is about to do. Here, however, is a man, who uses a pearl like that of the marquis of Sui¹³ to shoot a bird at a distance of 10,000 feet. All men will laugh at him; and why? Because the thing which he uses is of great value, and what he wishes to get is of little. And is not life of more value than the pearl of the marquis of Sui?

4. Dze¹⁴ Lieh-dze¹⁴ was reduced to extreme poverty, and his person had a hungry look. A visitor mentioned the case to Dze-yang, (the premier) of Käng, saying, 'Lieh Yü-khâu, I believe, is a scholar who has attained to the Tâo. Is it because our ruler does not love (such) scholars, that he should be living in his state in such poverty?' Dze-yang immediately ordered an officer to send to him a supply of grain. When Lieh-dze saw the messenger, he bowed to him twice, and declined the gift, on which the messenger went away. On Lieh-dze's going into the house, his wife looked to him and beat her breast, saying, 'I have heard that the wife and children of a possessor of the Tâo all enjoy plenty and ease, but now we look starved. The ruler has seen his error, and sent you a present of food, but you would not receive it;—is it appointed (for us to suffer thus)?' Dze Lieh-dze laughed and said to her, 'The ruler does not himself know me. Because of what some one said to him, he sent me the grain; but if another speak (differently) of me to him, he may look on me as a criminal. This was why I did not receive the grain.'

In the end it did come about, that the people, on an occasion of trouble and disorder, put Dze-yang to death.

5. When king Kâo of Khû¹⁵ lost his kingdom, the sheep-butcher Yüeh followed him in his flight. When the king (recovered) his kingdom and returned to it, and was going to reward those who had followed him, on coming to the sheep-butcher Yüeh, that personage said, 'When our Great King lost his kingdom, I lost my sheep-killing. When his majesty got back his kingdom, I also got back my sheep-killing. My income and rank have been recovered; why speak further of rewarding me?' The king, (on hearing of this reply), said, 'Force him (to take the reward);' but Yüeh said, 'It was not through any crime of mine that the king lost his kingdom, and therefore I did not dare to submit to the death (which would have been mine if I had remained in the capital). And it was not through any service of mine that he recovered his kingdom, and therefore I do not dare to count myself worthy of any reward from him.'

The king (now) asked that the butcher should be introduced to him, but Yüeh said, 'According to the law of Khû, great reward ought to be given to great service, and the recipient then be introduced to the king; but now my wisdom was not sufficient to preserve the kingdom, nor my courage sufficient to die at the hands of the invaders. When the army of Wû entered, I was afraid of the danger, and got out of the way of the thieves;—it was not with a distinct purpose (of loyalty) that I followed the king. And now he wishes, in disregard of the law, and violations of the conditions of our social compact, to see me in court;—this is not what I would like to be talked of through the kingdom.' The king said to Dze-khî, the Minister of War, 'The position of the sheep-butcher Yüeh is low and mean, but his setting forth of what is right is very high; do you ask him for me to accept the place of one of my three most distinguished nobles¹⁶.' (This being communicated to Yüeh), he said, 'I know that the place of such a distinguished noble is nobler than a sheep-butcher's stall, and that the salary of 10,000 kung is more than its profits. But how should 1, through my greed of rank and emolument, bring on our ruler the name of an unlawful dispensation of his gifts? I dare not respond to your wishes, but desire to return to my stall as the sheep-butcher.' Accordingly he did not accept (the proffered reward).

6. Yüan Hsien¹⁷ was living in Lû. His house, whose walls were only a few paces round, looked as if it were thatched with a crop of growing grass; its door of brushwood was incomplete, with branches of a mulberry tree for its side-posts; the window of each of its two apartments was formed by an earthenware jar (in the wall), which was stuffed with some coarse serge. It leaked above, and was damp on the ground beneath; but there he sat composedly, playing on his guitar. Dze-kung, in an inner robe of purple and an outer one of pure white, riding in a carriage drawn by two large horses, the hood of which was too high to get into the lane (leading to the house), went to see him. Yüan Hsien, in a cap made of bark, and slippers without heels, and with a stalk of hellebore for a staff, met him at the door. 'Alas! Master,' said Dze-kung, 'that you should be in such distress!' Yüan Hsien answered him, 'I have heard that to have no money is to be poor, and that not to be able to carry one's learning into practice is to be distressed. I am poor but not in distress.' Dze-kung shrank back, and looked ashamed, on which the other laughed and said, 'To act with a view to the world's (praise); to pretend to be public-spirited and yet be a partisan; to learn in order to please men; to teach for the sake of one's own gain; to conceal one's wickedness under the garb of benevolence and righteousness; and to be fond of the show of chariots and horses:—these are things which Hsien cannot bear to do.'

Zäng-dze was residing in Wei. He wore a robe quilted with hemp, and had no outer garment; his countenance looked rough and emaciated; his hands and feet were horny and callous; he would be three days without lighting a fire; in ten years he did not have a new suit; if he put his cap on straight, the strings would break; if he drew tight the overlap of his robe, his elbow would be seen; in putting on his shoes, the heels would burst them. Yet dragging his shoes along, he sane, the 'Sacrificial Odes of Shang' with a voice that filled heaven and earth as if it came from a bell or a sounding stone. The Son of Heaven could not get him to be a minister; no feudal prince could get him for his friend. So it is that he who is nourishing his mind's aim forgets his body, and he who is nourishing his body discards all thoughts of gain, and he who is carrying out the Tâo forgets his own mind.

Confucius said to Yen Hui, 'Come here, Hui. Your family is poor, and your position is low; why should you not take office?' Hui replied, 'I have no wish to be in office. Outside the suburban district I possess fields to the extent of fifty acres, which are sufficient to supply me with congee; and inside it I have ten acres, which are sufficient to supply me with silk and flax. I find my pleasure in playing on my lute, and your doctrines, Master, which I study, are sufficient for my enjoyment; I do not wish to take office.' Confucius looked sad, changed countenance, and said, "How good is the mind of Hui! I have heard that he who is contented will not entangle himself with the pursuit of gain, that he who is conscious of having gained (the truth) in himself is not afraid of losing other things, and that he who cultivates the path of inward rectification is not ashamed though he may have no official position. I have long been preaching this; but to-day I see it realised in Hui:—this is what I have gained.'

7. Prince Mâu¹⁸ of Kung-shan¹⁸ spoke to Kan-dze¹⁹, saying, 'My body has its place by the streams and near the sea, but my mind dwells at the court of Wei;—what have you to say to me in the circumstances?' Kan-dze replied, 'Set the proper value on your life. When one sets the proper value on his life, gain seems to him unimportant.' The prince rejoined, 'I know that, but I am not able to overcome (my Wishes).' The reply was, 'If you cannot master yourself (in the matter), follow (your inclinations so that) your spirit may not be dissatisfied. When you cannot master yourself, and try to force yourself where your spirit does not follow, this is what is called doing yourself a double injury; and those who so injure themselves are not among the long-lived.'

Mâu of Wei was the son of a lord of ten thousand chariots. For him to live in retirement among crags and caves was more difficult than for a scholar who had not worn the dress of office. Although he had not attained to the Tâo, he maybe said to have had some idea of it.

8. When Confucius was reduced to extreme distress between Khän and Zhâi, for seven days he had no cooked meat to eat, but only some soup of coarse vegetables without any rice in it. His countenance wore the appearance of great exhaustion, and yet he kept playing on his lute and singing inside the house. Yen Hui (was outside), selecting the vegetables, while Dze-la and Dze-kung were talking together, and said to him, 'The Master has twice been driven from Lû; he had to flee from Wei; the tree (beneath which he rested) was cut down in Sung; he was reduced to extreme distress in Shang and Kâu; he is held in a state of siege here between Khän and Zhâi; any one who kills him will be held guiltless; there is no prohibition against making him a prisoner. And yet he keeps playing and singing, thrumming his lute without ceasing. Can a superior man be without the feeling of shame to such an extent as this?' Yen Hui gave them no reply, but went in and told (their words) to Confucius, who pushed aside his lute, and said, 'Yû and Zhze are small men. Call them here, and I will explain the thing to them.'

When they came in, Dze-lû said, 'Your present condition may be called one of extreme distress.' Confucius replied, 'What words are these! When the Superior man has free course with his principles, that is what we call his success; when such course is denied, that is what we call his failure. Now I hold in my embrace the principles of benevolence and righteousness, and with them meet the evils of a disordered age;—where is the proof of my being in extreme distress? Therefore looking inwards and examining myself, I have no difficulties about my principles; though I encounter such difficulties (as the present), I do not lose my virtue. It is when winter's cold is come, and the hoar-frost and snow are falling, that we know the vegetative power of the pine and cypress. This strait between Khän and Zhâi is fortunate for me.' He then took back his lute so that it emitted a twanging sound, and began to play and sing. (At the same time) Dze-lû, hurriedly, seized a shield, and began to dance, while Dze-kung said, 'I did not know (before) the height of heaven nor the depth of the earth.'

The ancients who had got the Tâo were happy when reduced to extremity, and happy when having free course. Their happiness was independent of both these conditions. The Tâo and its characteristics!—let them have these and distress and success come to them as cold and heat, as wind and rain in the natural order of things. Thus it was that Hsü Yû found pleasure on the north of the river Ying, and that the earl of Kung enjoyed himself on the top of mount (Kung)²⁰.

9. Shun proposed to resign the throne to his friend, the Northerner Wû-kâi²¹, who said, 'A strange man you are, O sovereign! You (first) lived among the channeled fields, and then your place was in the palace of Yâo. And not only so:—you now further wish to extend to me the stain of your disgraceful doings. I am ashamed to see you. And on this he threw himself into the abyss of Khing-läng²².

When Thang was about to attack Kieh, he took counsel with Pien Sui, who said, 'It is no business of mine.' Thang then said, 'To whom should I apply?' And the other said, 'I do not know.' Thang then took counsel with Wû Kwang, who gave the same answer as Pien Sui; and when asked to whom he should apply, said in the same way, 'I do not know.' 'Suppose,' Thang then said, 'I apply to Î Yin, what do you say about him?' The reply was, 'He has a wonderful power in doing what is disgraceful, and I know nothing more about him!'

Thang thereupon took counsel with Î Yin, attacked Kieh, and overcame him, after which he proposed to resign the throne to Pien Sui, who declined it, saying, 'When you were about to attack Kieh, and sought counsel from me, you must have supposed me to be prepared to be a robber. Now that you have conquered Kieh, and propose to resign the throne to me, you must consider me to be greedy. I have been born in an age of disorder, and a man without principle twice comes, and tries to extend to me the stain of his disgraceful proceedings!—I cannot bear to hear the repetition of his proposals.' With this he threw himself into the Kâu²³ water and died.

Thang further made proffer of the throne to Wû Kwang²⁴, saying, 'The wise man has planned it; the martial man has carried it through; and the benevolent man should occupy it:—this was the method of antiquity. Why should you, Sir, not take the position?' Wû Kwang refused the proffer, saying, 'To depose the sovereign is contrary to right; to kill the people is contrary to benevolence. When another has encountered the risks, if I should accept the gain of his adventure, I should violate my disinterestedness. I have heard it said, "If it be not right for him to do so, one should not accept the emolument; in an age of unprincipled (government), one should not put foot on the soil (of the) country:"—how much less should I accept this position of honour! I cannot bear to see you any longer.' And with this he took a stone oil his back, and drowned himself in the Lü water²⁵.

10. Formerly, at the rise of the Kâu dynasty, there were two brothers who lived in Kû-kû²⁶, and were named Po-î and Shû-khî. They spoke together and said, 'We have heard that in the west there is one who seems to rule according to the Right Way; let us go and see.' (Accordingly) they came to the south of (mount) Khî; and when king Wû heard of them, he sent (his brother) Shû Tan to see them, and make a covenant with them, engaging that their wealth should be second (only to that of the king), and that their offices should be of the first rank, and instructing him to bury the covenant with the blood of the victim after they had smeared the corners of their mouths with it²⁷. The brothers looked at each other and laughed, saying, 'Ah! How strange! This is not what we call the Right Way. Formerly, when Shän Näng had the kingdom, he offered his sacrifices at the proper seasons and with the utmost reverence, but without praying for any blessing. Towards men he was leal-hearted and sincere, doing his utmost in governing them, but without seeking anything for himself When it was his pleasure to use administrative measures, he did so; and a sterner rule when he thought that would be better. He did not by the ruin of others establish his own power; he did not exalt himself by bringing others low; he did not, when the time was opportune, seek his own profit. But now Kâu, seeing the disorder of Yin, has suddenly taken the government into its hands; with the high it has taken counsel, and with those below employed bribes; it relies on its troops to maintain the terror of its might; it makes covenants over victims to prove its good faith; it vaunts its proceedings to please the masses; it kills and attacks for the sake of gain:—this is simply overthrowing disorder and changing it for tyranny. We have heard that the officers of old, in an age of good government, did not shrink from their duties, and in an age of disorder did not recklessly seek to remain in office. Now the kingdom is in a state of darkness; the virtue of Kâu is decayed. Than to join with it and lay our persons in the dust, it is better for us to abandon it, and maintain the purity of our conduct.'

The two princes then went north to the hill of Shâu-yang²⁸, where they died of starvation. If men such as they, in the matter of riches and honours, can manage to avoid them, (let them do so); but they must not depend on their lofty virtue to pursue any perverse course, only gratifying their own tendencies, and not doing service in their time:—this was the style of these two princes.

庄子·杂篇·让王第二十八

尧以天下让许由，许由不受。又让于子州支父，子州之父曰：“以
我为天子，犹之可也。虽然，我适有幽忧之病，方且治之，未暇治天
下也。”夫天下至重也，而不以害其生，又况他物乎！唯无以天下为
者可以托天下也。舜让天下于子州之伯，子州之伯曰：“予适有幽忧
之病，方且治之，未暇治天下也。”故天下大器也，而不以易生。此
有道者之所以异乎俗者也。舜以天下让善卷，善卷曰：“余立于宇宙
之中，冬日衣皮毛，夏日衣葛囗（左“纟”右“希”）。春耕种，形
足以劳动；秋收敛，身足以休食。日出而作，日入而息，逍遥于天地
之间，而心意自得。吾何以天下为哉！悲夫，子之不知余也。”遂不
受。于是去而入深山，莫知其处。舜以天下让其友石户之农。石户之
农曰：“囗囗（左“扌”右“卷”）乎，后之为人，葆力之士也。”
以舜之德为未至也。于是夫负妻戴，携子以入于海，终身不反也。

大王囗（“檀”字去“木”音ｄａｎ４）父居豳，狄人攻之。事之
以皮帛而不受，事之以犬马而不受，事之以珠玉而不受。狄人之所求
者土地也。大王囗父曰：“与人之兄居而杀其弟，与人之父居而杀其
子，吾不忍也。子皆勉居矣！为吾臣与为狄人臣奚以异。且吾闻之：
不以所用养害所养。”因杖囗（上“竹”下“夹”）而去之。民相连
而从之。遂成国于岐山之下。夫大王囗父可谓能尊生矣。能尊生者，
虽贵富不以养伤身，虽贫贱不以利累形。今世之人居高官尊爵者，皆
重失之。见利轻亡其身，岂不惑哉！

越人三世弑其君，王子搜患之，逃乎丹穴，而越国无君。求王子搜
不得，从之丹穴。王子搜不肯出，越人熏之以艾。乘以王舆。王子搜
援绥登车，仰天而呼曰：“君乎，君乎，独不可以舍我乎！”王子搜
非恶为君也，恶为君之患也。若王子搜者，可谓不以国伤生矣！此固
越人之所欲得为君也。

韩魏相与争侵地，子华子见昭僖侯，昭僖侯有忧色。子华子曰：“
今使天下书铭于君前，书之言曰：‘左手攫之则右手废，右手攫之则
左手废。然而攫之者必有天下。’君能攫之乎？”昭僖侯曰：“寡人
有攫也。”子华子曰：“甚善！自是观之，两臂重于天下也。身亦重
于两臂。韩之轻于天下亦远矣！今之所争者，其轻于韩又远。君固愁
身伤生以忧戚不得也。”僖侯曰：“善哉！教寡人者众矣，未尝得闻
此言也。”子华子可谓知轻重矣！

鲁君闻颜阖得道之人也，使人以币先焉。颜阖守陋闾，苴布之衣，
而自饭牛。鲁君之使者至，颜阖自对之。使者曰：“此颜阖之家与？
”颜阖对曰：“此阖之家也。”使者致币。颜阖对曰：“恐听谬而遗
使者罪，不若审之。”使者还，反审之，复来求之，则不得已！故若
颜阖者，真恶富贵也。

故曰：道之真以治身，其绪余以为国家，其土苴以治天下。由此观
之，帝王之功，圣人之余事也，非所以完身养生也。今世俗之君子，
多危身弃生以殉物，岂不悲哉！凡圣人之动作也，必察其所以之与所
以为。今且有人于此，以随侯之珠，弹千仞之雀，世必笑之。是何也
？则其所用者重而所要者轻也。夫生者岂特随侯之重哉！

子列子穷，容貌有饥色。客有言之于郑子阳者，曰：“列御寇，盖
有道之士也，居君之国而穷，君无乃为不好士乎？”郑子阳即令官遗
之粟。子列子见使者，再拜而辞。使者去，子列子入，其妻望之而拊
心曰：“妾闻为有道者之妻子，皆得佚乐。今有饥色，君过而遗先生
食，先生不受，岂不命邪？”子列子笑，谓之曰∶“君非自知我也，
以人之言而遗我粟；至其罪我也，又且以人之言，此吾所以不受也。
”其卒，民果作难而杀子阳。

楚昭王失国，屠羊说走而从于昭王。昭王反国，将赏从者。及屠羊
说。屠羊说曰：“大王失国，说失屠羊。大王反国，说亦反屠羊。臣
之爵禄已复矣，又何赏之有。”王曰：“强之。”屠羊说曰：“大王
失国，非臣之罪，故不敢伏其诛；大王反国，非臣之功，故不敢当其
赏。”王曰：“见之。”屠羊说曰：“楚国之法，必有重赏大功而后
得见。今臣之知不足以存国，而勇不足以死寇。吴军入郢，说畏难而
避寇，非故随大王也。今大王欲废法毁约而见说，此非臣之所以闻于
天下也。”王谓司马子綦曰：“屠羊说居处卑贱而陈义甚高，子綦为
我延之以三旌之位。”屠羊说曰：“夫三旌之位，吾知其贵于屠羊之
肆也；万锺之禄，吾知其富于屠羊之利也。然岂可以贪爵禄而使吾君
有妄施之名乎？说不敢当，愿复反吾屠羊之肆。”遂不受也。

原宪居鲁，环堵之室，茨以生草，蓬户不完，桑以为枢而瓮牖，二
室，褐以为塞，上漏下湿，匡坐而弦歌。子贡乘大马，中绀而表素，
轩车不容巷，往见原宪。原宪华冠囗（左“纟”右“徙”音ｘｉ１）
履，杖藜而应门。子贡曰：“嘻！先生何病？”原宪应之曰：“宪闻
之，无财谓之贫，学而不能行谓之病。今宪贫也，非病也。”子贡逡
巡而有愧色。原宪笑曰：“夫希世而行，比周而友，学以为人，教以
为己，仁义慝，舆马之饰，宪不忍为也。”

曾子居卫，囗（“温”字以“纟”代“氵”音ｙｕｎ４）袍无表，
颜色肿哙，手足胼胝，三日不举火，十年不制衣。正冠而缨绝，捉襟
而肘见，纳屦而踵决。曳纵而歌《商颂》，声满天地，若出金石。天
子不得臣，诸侯不得友。故养志者忘形，养形者忘利，致道者忘心矣
。

孔子谓颜回曰：“回，来！家贫居卑，胡不仕乎？”颜回对曰：“
不愿仕。回有郭外之田五十亩，足以给囗（左“饣”右“干”音ｚｈ
ａｎ１）粥；郭内之田十亩，足以为丝麻；鼓琴足以自娱；所学夫子
之道者足以自乐也。回不愿仕。”孔子愀然变容，曰：“善哉，回之
意！丘闻之：‘知足者，不以利自累也；审自得者，失之而不惧；行
修于内者，无位而不怍。’丘诵之久矣，今于回而后见之，是丘之得
也。”

中山公子牟谓瞻子曰：“身在江海之上，心居乎魏阙之下，奈何？
”瞻子曰：“重生。重生则利轻。”中山公子牟曰：“虽知之，未能
自胜也。”瞻子曰：“不能自胜则从，神无恶乎！不能自胜而强不从
者，此之谓重伤。重伤之人，无寿类矣！”魏牟，万乘之公子也，其
隐岩穴也，难为于布衣之士，虽未至乎道，可谓有其意矣！

孔子穷于陈蔡之间，七日不火食，藜羹不糁，颜色甚惫，而弦歌于
室。颜回择菜，子路、子贡相与言曰：“夫子再逐于鲁，削迹于卫，
伐树于宋，穷于商周，围于陈蔡。杀夫子者无罪，藉夫子者无禁。弦
歌鼓琴，未尝绝音，君子之无耻也若此乎？”颜回无以应，入告孔子
。孔子推琴，喟然而叹曰：“由与赐，细人也。召而来，吾语之。”
子路、子贡入。子路曰：“如此者，可谓穷矣！”孔子曰：“是何言
也！君子通于道之谓通，穷于道之谓穷。今丘抱仁义之道以遭乱世之
患，其何穷之为？故内省而不穷于道，临难而不失其德。天寒既至，
霜雪既降，吾是以知松柏之茂也。陈蔡之隘，于丘其幸乎。”孔子削
然反琴而弦歌，子路囗（左“扌”右“乞”音ｘｉ４）然执干而舞。
子贡曰：“吾不知天之高也，地之下也。”古之得道者，穷亦乐，通
亦乐，所乐非穷通也。道得于此，则穷通为寒暑风雨之序矣。故许由
娱于颖阳，而共伯得乎丘首。

舜以天下让其友北人无择，北人无择曰：“异哉，后之为人也，居
于畎亩之中，而游尧之门。不若是而已，又欲以其辱行漫我。吾羞见
之。”因自投清泠之渊。

汤将伐桀，因卞随而谋，卞随曰：“非吾事也。”汤曰：“孰可？
”曰∶“吾不知也。”汤又因瞀光而谋，瞀光曰：“非吾事也。”汤
曰∶“孰可？”曰：“吾不知也。”汤曰：“伊尹何如？”曰：“强
力忍垢，吾不知其他也。”汤遂与伊尹谋伐桀，克之。以让卞随，卞
随辞曰：“后之伐桀也谋乎我，必以我为贼也；胜桀而让我，必以我
为贪也。吾生乎乱世，而无道之人再来漫我以其辱行，吾不忍数闻也
！”乃自投囗（左“木”右“周”音ｚｈｏｕ１）水而死。汤又让瞀
光，曰：“知者谋之，武者遂之，仁者居之，古之道也。吾子胡不立
乎？”瞀光辞曰：“废上，非义也；杀民，非仁也；人犯其难，我享
其利，非廉也。吾闻之曰：‘非其义者，不受其禄；无道之世，不践
其土。’况尊我乎！吾不忍久见也。”乃负石而自沈于庐水。

昔周之兴，有士二人处于孤竹，曰伯夷、叔齐。二人相谓曰：“吾
闻西方有人，似有道者，试往观焉。”至于岐阳，武王闻之，使叔旦
往见之。与盟曰：“加富二等，就官一列。”血牲而埋之。二人相视
而笑，曰：“嘻，异哉！此非吾所谓道也。昔者神农之有天下也，时
祀尽敬而不祈喜；其于人也，忠信尽治而无求焉。乐与政为政，乐与
治为治。不以人之坏自成也，不以人之卑自高也，不以遭时自利也。
今周见殷之乱而遽为政，上谋而行货，阻兵而保威，割牲而盟以为信
，汤行以说众，杀伐以要利。是推乱以易暴也。吾闻古之士，遭治世
不避其任，遇乱世不为苟存。今天下囗（外“门”内“音”），殷德
衰，其并乎周以涂吾身也，不如避之，以洁吾行。”二子北至于首阳
之山，遂饿而死焉。若伯夷、叔齐者，其于富贵也，苟可得已，则必
不赖高节戾行，独乐其志，不事于世。此二士之节也。

Footnotes

back ¹ See vol. xxxix, pp. 156, 157.

back ² We know nothing of this man but what is related here. He is, no doubt, a fictitious character. Kih-fû and Kih-po are supposed to be the same individual. See Hwang-fû Mî, I, 7.

back ³ Nor do we know more of Shan Küan, though Mî relates a visit of Yâo to him.

back ⁴ Name of a place; where it was is very uncertain.

back ⁵ An ancestor of the House of Kâu, who about B.C. 1325 removed from Pin (in the present small department so called of Shen-hsî), and settled in the district of Khî-shan, department of Fäng-zhiang. He was the grandfather of king Wän.

back ⁶ See note 3, p. 150.

back ⁷ Sze-mâ Khien takes up the history of Yüeh at a later period, and we have from him no details of this prince Sâu. Tan-hsüeh was the name of a district in the south of Yüeh, in which was a valley with caves containing cinnabar;—the fabled home of the phœnix.

back ⁸ Two of the three states into which the great state of Zin was divided about the beginning of the fifth century B.C.

back ⁹ A native, we may call him a philosopher, of Wei.

back ¹⁰ Began his rule in B.C. 359.

back ¹¹ Perhaps the Yen Ho of IV, 5.

back ¹² The same thing is often seen at the present day. The party in charge of the cow pours its prepared food down its throat from a joint of bamboo.

back ¹³ Sui was a small feudal state, a dependency of Wei. its name remains in the Sui-kâu, Teh-an department, Hû-pei. The story is that one of its lords having healed a wounded snake, the creature one night brought him a large pearl in its mouth.

back ¹⁴ The phraseology is peculiar. See Introductory Note on Bk. XXXII.

back ¹⁵ B.C. 515-489. He was driven from his capital by an invasion of Wû, directed by Wû Dze-hsü.

back ¹⁶ Literally, 'My three banners or flags,' emblems of the favourite of the sovereign.

back ¹⁷ A disciple of Confucius, called also Yüan Sze;—see Confucian Analects VI, iii, 3. With the description of his house or hut, compare in the Lî Kî, XXVIII, 10.

back ¹⁸ Prince Mâu was a son of the marquis of Wei, and had been appointed to the appanage of Kung-shan,—corresponding to part of the present Ting Kâu in Pei Kih-lî.

back ¹⁹ A worthy officer or thinker of Wei. One is not sure that his advice was altogether good.

back ²⁰ This takes us to the famous Kung-ho period (B.C. 842-828), but our author evidently follows the account of it found in the 'Bamboo Books;'—see the prolegomena to the Shû King, p. 154.

back ²¹ We found, in Book XXI (see vol. xxxix, p. 133), Wû-kâi as the name of Thien Dze-fang. Here is the same name belonging to a much earlier man, 'a man of the north.'

back ²² At the foot of a hill in the present department of Nan-yang, Ho-nan.

back ²³ The reading uncertain.

back ²⁴ Not elsewhere heard of, save in the same connexion.

back ²⁵ In the west of Liâo-tung.

back ²⁶ A small principality, in the present Lwan-kâu, department of Yung-phing Kih-lî.

back ²⁷ According to the usual forms in which a covenant was made and established. The translation is free and diffuse.

back ²⁸ In the present department of Phû-kau, Shan-hsî.