Ratmachines.com

Introductory Notes

BOOK XXIX. TÂO KIH.

It has been seen above that Sze-mâ Khien expressly ascribes the Book called 'the Robber Kih' to Kwang-dze. Khien refers also in another place to Kih, adducing the facts of his history in contrast with those about Confucius' favourite disciple Yen Hui as inexplicable on the supposition of a just and wise Providence. We must conclude therefore that the Book existed in Khien's time, and that he had read it. On the other hand it has been shown that Confucius could not have been on terms of friendship with Liû-hsiâ Kî, and all that is related of his brother the robber wants substantiation. That such a man ever existed appears to me very doubtful. Are we to put down the whole of the first paragraph then as a jeu d'esprit on the part of Kwang-dze, intended to throw ridicule on Confucius and what our author considered his pedantic ways? It certainly does so, and we are amused to hear the sage outcrowed by the robber.

In the other two paragraphs we have good instances of Kwang-dze's 'metaphorical expressions,' his coinage of names for his personages, more or less ingeniously indicating their characters; but in such cases the element of time or chronology does not enter; and it is the anachronism of the first paragraph which constitutes its chief difficulty.

The name of 'Robber Kih' may be said to be a coinage; and that a famous robber was popularly indicated by the name appears from its use by Mencius (III, ii, ch. 10, 3), to explain which the commentators have invented the story of a robber so-called in the time of Hwang-Tî, in the twenty-seventh century B. C.! Was there really such a legend? and did Kwang-dze take advantage of it to apply the name to a notorious and disreputable brother of Liû-hsiâ Kî? Still there remain the anachronisms in the paragraph which have been pointed out. On the whole we must come to a conclusion rather unfavourable to the genuineness of the Book. But it must have been forged at a very early time, and we have no idea by whom.

Book XXIX
Part III Section VII

Tâo Kih, or 'The Robber Kih¹.'

1. Confucius was on terms of friendship with Liû-hsîa Kî², who had a brother named Tâo Kih. This Tâo Kih had 9,000 followers, who marched at their will through the kingdom, assailing and oppressing the different princes. They dug through walls and broke into houses; they drove away people's cattle and horses; they carried off people's wives and daughters. In their greed to get, they forgot the claims of kinship, and paid no regard to their parents and brethren. They did not sacrifice to their ancestors. Wherever they passed through the country, in the larger states the people guarded their city walls, and in the smaller the people took to their strongholds. All were distressed by them.

Confucius spoke to Liû-hsiâ Kî, saying, 'Fathers should be able to lay down the law to their sons, and elder to instruct their younger brothers. If they are unable to do so, they do not fulfil the duties of the relationships which they sustain. You, Sir, are one of the most talented officers of the age, and your younger brother is this Robber Kih. He is a pest in the kingdom, and you are not able to instruct him better; I cannot but be ashamed of you, and I beg to go for you and give him counsel.' Liû-hsiâ Kî replied, 'You say, Sir, that fathers must be able to lay down the law to their sons, and elder to instruct their younger brothers, but if sons will not listen to the orders of their fathers, nor the younger receive the lessons of their elder brothers, though one may have your powers of persuasion, what is to be done? And, moreover, Kih is a man whose mind is like a gushing fountain, and his will like a whirlwind; he is strong enough to resist all enemies, and clever enough to gloss over his wrong-doings. If you agree with him, he is glad; if you oppose him, he is enraged; and he readily meets men with the language of abuse. You must not go to him.'

Confucius, however, did not attend to this advice. With Yen Hui as his charioteer, and Dze-kung seated on the right, he went to see Tâo Kih, whom he found with his followers halted on the south of Thâi-shan, and mincing men's livers, which he gave them to eat. Confucius alighted from his carriage, and went forward, till he saw the usher, to whom he said, 'I, Khung Khiû of Lî, have heard of the general's lofty righteousness,' bowing twice respectfully to the man as he said so. The usher went in and announced the visitor. But when Tâo Kih heard of the arrival, he flew into a great rage; his eyes became like blazing stars, and his hair rose up and touched his cap. 'Is not this fellow,' said he, 'Khung Khiû, that artful hypocrite of Lû? Tell him from me, "You invent speeches and babble away, appealing without ground to (the examples of) Wän and Wû The ornaments on your cap are as many as the branches of a tree, and your girdle is (a piece of skin) from the ribs of a dead ox. The more you talk, the more nonsense you utter. You get your food without (the labour of) ploughing, and your clothes without (that of) weaving. You wag your lips and make your tongue a drum-stick. You arbitrarily decide what is right and what is wrong, thereby leading astray the princes throughout the kingdom, and making its learned scholars not occupy their thoughts with their proper business. You recklessly set up your filial piety and fraternal duty, and curry favour with the feudal princes, the wealthy and the noble. Your offence is great; your crime is very heavy. Take yourself off home at once. If you do not do so, I will take your liver, and add it to the provision for to-day's food."'

But Confucius sent in another message, saying, I enjoy the good will of (your brother) Kî, and I wish and hope to tread the ground beneath your tent³.' When the usher had communicated this message, Tâo Kih said, 'Make him come forward.' On this Confucius hastened forwards. Declining to take a mat, he drew hastily back, and bowed twice to Tâo Kih, who in a great rage stretched his legs apart, laid his hand on his sword, and with glaring eyes and a voice like the growl of a nursing tigress, said, 'Come forwards, Khiû. If what you say be in accordance with my mind, you shall live; but, if it be contrary to it, you shall die.' Confucius replied, 'I have heard that everywhere under the sky there are three (most excellent) qualities. To be naturally tall and large, to be elegant and handsome without a peer, so that young and old, noble and mean, are pleased to look upon him;—this is the highest of those qualities. To comprehend both heaven and earth in his wisdom, and to be able to speak eloquently on all subjects;—this is the middle one of them. To be brave and courageous, resolute and daring, gathering the multitudes round him, and leading on his troops;—this is the lowest of them. Whoever possesses one of these qualities is fit to stand with his face to the south⁴, and style himself a Prince. But you, General, unite in yourself all the three. Your person is eight cubits and two inches in height; there is a brightness about your face and a light in your eyes; your lips look as if stained with vermilion; your teeth are like rows of precious shells; your voice is attuned to the musical tubes, and yet you are named "The Robber Kih." I am ashamed of you, General, and cannot approve of you. If you are inclined to listen to me, I should like to go as your commissioner to Wû and Yüeh in the south; to Khî and Lû in the north; to Sung and Wei in the east; and to Zin and Khû in the west. I will get them to build for you a great city several hundred lî in size, to establish under it towns containing several hundred thousands of inhabitants, and honour you there as a feudal lord. The kingdom will see you begin your career afresh; you will cease from your wars and disband your soldiers; you will collect and nourish your brethren, and along with them offer the sacrifices to your ancestors⁵:—this will be a course befitting a sage and an officer of ability, and will fulfil the wishes of the whole kingdom.'

'Come forward, Khiû,' said Tâo Kih, greatly enraged. 'Those who can be persuaded by considerations of gain, and to whom remonstrances may be addressed with success, are all ignorant, low, and ordinary people. That I am tall and large, elegant and handsome, so that all who see me are pleased with me;—this is an effect of the body left me by my parents. Though you were not to praise me for it, do I not know it myself? And I have heard that he who likes to praise men to their face will also like to speak ill of them behind their back. And when you tell me of a great wall and a multitudinous people, this is to try to persuade me by considerations of gain, and to cocker me as one of the ordinary people. But how could such advantages last for long? Of all great cities there is none so great as the whole kingdom, which was possessed by Yâo and Shun, while their descendants (now) have not so much territory as would admit an awl⁶. Thang and Wa were both set up as the Sons of Heaven, but in after ages (their posterity) were cut off and extinguished;—was not this because the gain of their position was so great a prize⁷?

'And moreover I have heard that anciently birds and beasts were numerous, and men were few, so that they lived in nests in order to avoid the animals. In the daytime they gathered acorns and chestnuts, and in the night they roosted on the trees; and on account of this they are called the people of the Nest-builder. Anciently the people did not know the use of clothes. In summer they collected great stores of faggots, and in winter kept themselves warm by means of them; and on account of this they are called the people who knew how to take care of their lives. In the age of Shän Näng, the people lay down in simple innocence, and rose up in quiet security. They knew their mothers, but did not know their fathers. They dwelt along with the elks and deer. They ploughed and ate; they wove and made clothes; they had no idea of injuring one another:—this was the grand time of Perfect virtue⁸. Hwang-Tî, however, was not able to perpetuate this virtuous state. He fought with Khih-yû⁹ in the wild of Ko-lû¹⁰ till the blood flowed over a hundred lî. When Yâo and Shun arose, they instituted their crowd of ministers. Thang banished his lord. King Wû killed Kâu. Since that time the strong have oppressed the weak, and the many tyrannised over the few. From Thang and Wû downwards, (the rulers) have all been promoters of disorder and confusion. You yourself now cultivate and inculcate the ways of Wän and Wû; you handle whatever subjects are anywhere discussed for the instruction of future ages. With your peculiar robe and narrow girdle, with your deceitful speech and hypocritical conduct, you delude the lords of the different states, and are seeking for riches and honours. There is no greater robber than you are;—why does not all the world call you the Robber Khiû, instead of styling me the Robber Kih?

'You prevailed by your sweet speeches on Dze-lû, and made him your follower; you made him put away his high cap, lay aside his long sword, and receive your instructions, so that all the world said, "Khung Khiû is able to arrest violence and repress the wrong-doer;" but in the end, when Dze-lû wished to slay the ruler of Wei, and the affair proved unsuccessful, his body was exhibited in pickle over the eastern gate of the capital;—so did your teaching of him come to nothing.

'Do you call yourself a scholar of talent, a sage? Why, you were twice driven out of Lû; you had to run away from Wei; you were reduced to extremity in Khî; you were held in a state of siege between Khän and Zhâi; there is no resting-place for your person in the kingdom; your instructions brought Dze-lû to pickle. Such have been the misfortunes (attending your course). You have done no good either for yourself or for others;—how can your doctrines be worth being thought much of?

'There is no one whom the world exalts so much as it does Hwang-Tî, and still he was not able to perfect his virtue, but fought in the wilderness of Ko-lû, till the blood flowed over a hundred lî. Yâo was not kind to his son¹¹. Shun was not filial¹². Yü was paralysed on one side¹³. Thang banished his sovereign. King Wû smote Kâu. King Wän was imprisoned in Yû-lî¹⁴. These are the six men of whom the world thinks the most highly, yet when we accurately consider their history, we see that for the sake of gain they all disallowed their true (nature), and did violence to its proper qualities and tendencies:—their conduct cannot be thought of but with deep shame.

'Among those whom the world calls men of ability and virtue were (the brothers) Po-Î and Shû-khî. They declined the rule of Kû-kû, and died of starvation on the hill of Shâu-yang, leaving their bones and flesh unburied. Pâo Ziâo vaunted his conduct, and condemned the world, but he died with his arms round a tree¹⁵. When Shän-thû Tî's remonstrances were not listened to, he fastened a stone on his back, and threw himself into the Ho, where he was eaten by the fishes and turtles¹⁶. Kieh Dze-thui was the most devoted (of followers), and cut a piece from his thigh as food for duke Wän. But when the duke afterwards overlooked him (in his distribution of favours), he was angry, and went away, and was burned to death with a tree in his arms¹⁷. Wei Shäng had made an appointment with a girl to meet him under a bridge; but when she did not come, and the water rose around him, he would not go away, and died with his arms round one of the pillars¹⁸. (The deaths of) these four men were not different from those of the dog that is torn in pieces, the pig that is borne away by a current, or the beggar (drowned in a ditch) with his alms-gourd in his hand. They were all caught as in a net by their (desire for) fame, not caring to nourish their life to its end, as they were bound to do.

'Among those whom the world calls faithful ministers there have been none like the prince Pî-kan and Wû Dze-hsü. But Dze-hsü's (dead) body was cast into the Kiang, and the heart of Pî-kan was cut out. These two were what the world calls loyal ministers, but the end has been that everybody laughs at them. Looking at all the above cases, down to those of Dze-hsü and Pî-kan, there is not one worthy to be honoured; and as to the admonitions which you, Khiû, wish to impress on me, if you tell me about the state of the dead, I am unable to know anything about it; if you tell me about the things of men (alive), they are only such as I have stated, what I have heard and know all about. I will now tell you, Sir, my views about the condition of man. The eyes wish to look on beauty; the cars to hear music; the mouth to enjoy flavours; the will to be gratified. The greatest longevity man can reach is a hundred years; a medium longevity is eighty years; the lowest longevity is sixty. Take away sickness, pining, bereavement, mourning, anxieties, and calamities, the times when, in any of these, one can open his mouth and laugh, are only four or five days in a month. Heaven and earth have no limit of duration, but the death of man has its (appointed) time. Take the longest amount of a limited time, and compare it with what is unlimited, its brief existence is not different from the passing of a crevice by one of king Mû's horses¹⁹. Those who cannot gratify their will and natural aims, and nourish their appointed longevity, are all unacquainted with the (right) Way (of life). I cast from me, Khiû, all that you say. Be quick and go. Hurry back and say not a word more. Your Way is only a wild recklessness, deceitful, artful, vain, and hypocritical. It is not available to complete the true (nature of man); it is not worth talking about!'

Confucius bowed twice, and hurried away. He went out at the door, and mounted his carriage. Thrice he missed the reins as he tried to take hold of them. His eyes were dazed, and he could not see; and his colour was that of slaked lime. He laid hold of the cross-bar, holding his head down, and unable to draw his breath. When he got back, outside the east gate of (the capital of) Lû, he encountered Liû-hsiâ Kî, who said to him, 'Here you are, right in the gate. For some days I have not seen you. Your carriage and horses are travel-stained;—have you not been to see Tâo Kih?' Confucius looked up to heaven, sighed, and said, 'Yes.' The other went on, 'And did he not set himself in opposition to all your views, as I said he would do?' 'He did. My case has been that of the man who cauterised himself without being ill. I rushed away, stroked the tiger's head, played with his whiskers, and narrowly escaped his mouth.'

2. Dze-kang²⁰ asked Mân Kâu-the²¹, saying, 'Why do you not pursue a (righteous) course? Without such a course you will not be believed in; unless you are believed in, you will not be employed in office; and if not employed in office, you will not acquire gain. Thus, if you look at the matter from the point of reputation, or estimate it from the point of gain, a righteous course is truly the right thing. If you discard the thought of reputation and gain, yet when you think over the thing in your own mind, you will see that the scholar should not be a single day without pursuing a (righteous) course.' Man Kau-teh said, 'He who has no shame becomes rich, and he in whom many believe becomes illustrious. Thus the greatest fame and gain would seem to spring from being without shame and being believed in. Therefore if you look at the matter from the point of reputation, or estimate it from the point of gain, to be believed in is the right thing. If you discard the thought of fame and gain, and think over the thing in your own mind, you will see that the scholar in the course which he pursues is (simply) holding fast his Heavenly (nature, and gaining nothing).'

Dze-kang said, 'Formerly Kieh and Kâu each enjoyed the honour of being the sovereign, and all the wealth of the kingdom was his; but if you now say to a (mere) money-grabber, "Your conduct is like that of Kieh or Kâu," he will look ashamed, and resent the imputation:—(these two sovereigns) are despised by the smallest men. Kung-nî and Mo Tî (on the other hand) were poor, and common men; but if you say to a Prime Minister that his conduct is like that of Kung-nî or Mo Tî, then he will be put out and change countenance, and protest that he is not worthy (to be so spoken of):—(these two philosophers) are held to be truly noble by (all) scholars. Thus it is that the position of sovereign does not necessarily connect with being thought noble, nor the condition of being poor and of common rank with being thought mean. The difference of being thought noble or mean arises from the conduct being good or bad.' Mân Kâu-teh replied, 'Small robbers are put in prison; a great robber becomes a feudal lord; and in the gate of the feudal lord your righteous scholars will be found. For instance, Hsiâo-po²², the duke Hwan, killed his elder brother, and took his sister-in-law to himself, and yet Kwan Kung became his minister; and Thien Khang, styled Khäng-dze, killed his ruler, and usurped the state²³, and yet Confucius received a present of silks from him. In their discussions they would condemn the men, but in their conduct they abased themselves before them. In this way their words and actions must have been at war together in their breasts;—was it not a contradiction and perversity? As it is said in a book, "Who is bad? and who is good? The successful is regarded as the Head, and the unsuccessful as the Tail."

Dze-kang said, 'If you do not follow the usual course of what is held to be right, but observe no distinction between the near and remote degrees of kin, no difference between the noble and the mean, no order between the old and the young, then how shall a separation be made of the fivefold arrangement (of the virtues), and the six parties (in the social organisation)?' Mân Kâu-teh replied, 'Yâo killed his eldest son, and Shun banished his half-brother²⁴:—did they observe the rules about the different degrees of kin? Thang deposed Kieh; king Wa overthrew Kâu:—did they observe the righteousness that should obtain between the noble and the mean? King Kî took the place of his elder brother²⁵, and the duke of Kâu killed his²⁶:—did they observe the order that should obtain between the elder and the younger? The Literati make hypocritical speeches; the followers of Mo hold that all should be loved equally:—do we find in them the separation of the fivefold arrangement (of the virtues)²⁷, and the six parties (in the social organisation)²⁸? And further, you, Sir, are all for reputation, and I am all for gain; but where the actual search for reputation and gain may not be in accordance with principle and will not bear to be examined in the light of the right way, let me and you refer the matter to-morrow²⁹ to the decision of Wû-yo³⁰.'

(This Wû-yo) said, 'The small man pursues after wealth; the superior man pursues after reputation. The way in which they change their feelings and alter their nature is different; but if they were to cast away what they do, and replace it with doing nothing, they would be the same. Hence it is said, "Do not be a small man;—return and pursue after the Heavenly in you. Do not be a superior man;—follow the rule of the Heavenly in you. Be it crooked, be it straight, view the thing in the light of Heaven as revealed in you. Look all round on every side of it, and as the time indicates, cease your endeavours. Be it right, be it wrong, hold fast the ring in yourself in which all conditions converge. Alone by yourself, carry out your idea; ponder over the right way. Do not turn your course; do not try to complete your righteousness. You will fail in what you do. Do not haste to be rich; do not follow after your perfection. If you do, you will lose the heavenly in you."

'Pî-kan had his heart cut out; Dze-hsü had his eyes gouged out:—such were the evil consequences of their loyalty. The upright person³¹ bore witness against his father; Wei Shäng was drowned:—such were the misfortunes of good faith. Pao-dze stood till he was dried up; Shän-dze would not defend himself³²:—such were the injuries brought on by disinterestedness. Confucius did not see his mother³³; Khwang-dze³⁴ did not see his father:—such were the failures of the righteous. These are instances handed down from former ages, and talked about in these later times. They show us how superior men, in their determination to be correct in their words and resolute in their conduct, paid the penalty of these misfortunes, and were involved in these distresses.'

3. Mr. Dissatisfied³⁵, asked Mr. Know-the-Mean³⁵, saying, 'There is no man after all who does not strive for reputation and pursue after gain. When men are rich, then others go to them. Going to them, they put themselves beneath them. In that position they do honour to them as nobler than themselves. But to see others taking that position and doing honour to us is the way to prolong life, and to secure the rest of the body and the satisfaction of the mind. You alone, Sir, however, have no idea of this. Is it that your knowledge is deficient? Is it that you have the knowledge, but want the strength to carry it into practice? Or is it that your mind is made up to do what you consider right, and never allow yourself to forget it?' Know-the-Mean replied, 'Here now is this man judging of us, his contemporaries, and living in the same neighbourhood as himself, that we consider ourselves scholars who have abjured all vulgar ways and risen above the world. He is entirely without the thought of submitting to the rule of what is right. He therefore studies ancient times and the present, and the differing questions about the right and wrong, and agrees with the vulgar ideas and influences of the age, abandoning what is most important and discarding what is most honourable, in order to be free to act as he does. But is he not wide of the mark when he thinks that this is the way to promote long life, and to secure the rest of the body and the satisfaction of the mind? He has his painful afflictions and his quiet repose, but he does not inquire how his body is so variously affected; he has his apprehensive terrors, and his happy joys, but he does not inquire how his mind has such different experiences. He knows how to pursue his course, but he does not know why he does so. Even if he had the dignity of the Son of Heaven, and all the wealth of the kingdom were his, he would not be beyond the reach of misfortunes and evils.' Dissatisfied rejoined, 'But riches are in every way advantageous to man. With them his attainment of the beautiful and mastery of every art become what the perfect man cannot obtain nor the sagely man reach to; his appropriation of the bravery and strength of others enables him to exercise a powerful sway; his availing himself of the wisdom and plans of others makes him be accounted intelligent and discriminating; his taking advantage of the virtues of others makes him be esteemed able and good. Though he may not be the holder of a state, he is looked to with awe as a ruler and father. Moreover, music, beauty, with the pleasures of the taste and of power, are appreciated by men's minds and rejoiced in without any previous learning of them; the body reposes in them without waiting for the example of others. Desire and dislike, avoidance and pursuit, do not require any master;—this is the nature of man. Though the world may condemn one's indulgence of them, who can refrain from it?' Know-the-Mean replied, 'The action of the wise is directed for the good of the people, but they do not go against the (proper) rule and degree. Therefore when they have enough, they do not strive (for more); they have no further object, and so they do not seek for one. When they have not enough, they will seek for it; they will strive for it in every quarter, and yet not think of themselves as greedy. If they have (already) a superfluity, they will decline (any more); they will decline the throne, and yet not think of themselves as disinterested:—the conditions of disinterestedness and greediness are (with them) not from the constraint of anything external. Through their exercise of introspection, their power may be that of the sovereign, but they will not in their nobility be arrogant to others; their wealth may be that of the whole kingdom, but they will not in their possession of it make a mock of others. They estimate the evils to which they are exposed, and are anxious about the reverses which they may experience. They think how their possessions may be injurious to their nature, and therefore they will decline and not accept them;—but not because they seek for reputation and praise.

'Yâo and Shun were the sovereigns, and harmony prevailed. It did so, not because of their benevolence towards the people;—they would not, for what was (deemed) admirable, injure their lives. Shan Küan and Hsü Yû might have been the sovereigns, but they would not receive the throne;—not that they declined it without purpose, but they would not by its occupancy injure themselves. These all followed after what was advantageous to them, and declined what was injurious, and all the world celebrates their superiority. Thus, though they enjoy the distinction, they did what they did, not for the sake of the reputation and praise.'

Dissatisfied (continued his argument), saying, 'In thus thinking it necessary for their reputation, they bitterly distressed their bodies, denied themselves what was pleasant, and restricted themselves to a bare sustenance in order to sustain their life; but so they had life-long distress, and long-continued pressure till their death arrived.' Know-the-Mean replied, 'Tranquil ease is happiness; a superfluity is injurious:—so it is with all things, and especially it is so, where the superfluity is of wealth. The ears of the rich are provided with the music of bells, drums, flageolets and flutes; and their mouths are stuffed with the flesh of fed beasts and with wine of the richest flavour; so are their desires satisfied, till they forget their proper business:—theirs may be pronounced a condition of disorder. Sunk deeply in their self-sufficiency, they resemble individuals ascending a height with a heavy burden on their backs:—their condition may be pronounced one of bitter suffering. They covet riches, thinking to derive comfort from them; they covet power, and would fain monopolise it; when quiet and retired, they are drowned in luxurious indulgence; their persons seem to shine, and they are full of boasting:—they may be said to be in a state of disease. In their desire to be rich and striving for gain, they fill their stores, and, deaf to all admonition, refuse to desist from their course. They are even more elated, and hold on their way:—their conduct may be pronounced disgraceful. When their wealth is amassed till they cannot use it, they clasp it to their breasts and will not part with it; when their hearts are distressed with their very fulness, they still seek for more and will not desist:—their condition may be said to be sad. In-doors they are apprehensive of pilfering and begging thieves, and out-of-doors they are afraid of being injured by plundering robbers; in-doors they have many chambers and partitions, and out-of-doors they do not dare to go alone:—they may be said to be in a state of (constant) alarm.

'These six conditions are the most deplorable in the world, but they forget them all, and have lost their faculty of judgment. When the evil comes, though they begged it with all the powers of their nature, and by the sacrifice of all their wealth, they could not bring back one day of untroubled peace. When they look for their reputation, it is not to be seen; when they seek for their wealth, it is not to be got. To task their thoughts, and destroy their bodies, striving for (such an end as) this;—is it not a case of great delusion?'

庄子·杂篇·盗跖第二十九

孔子与柳下季为友，柳下季之弟名曰盗跖。盗跖从卒九千人，横行
天下，侵暴诸侯。穴室枢户，驱人牛马，取人妇女。贪得忘亲，不顾
父母兄弟，不祭先祖。所过之邑，大国守城，小国入保，万民苦之。
孔子谓柳下季曰：“夫为人父者，必能诏其子；为人兄者，必能教其
弟。若父不能诏其子，兄不能教其弟，则无贵父子兄弟之亲矣。今先
生，世之才士也，弟为盗跖，为天下害，而弗能教也，丘窃为先生羞
之。丘请为先生往说之。”柳下季曰：“先生言为人父者必能诏其子
，为人兄者必能教其弟，若子不听父之诏，弟不受兄之教，虽今先生
之辩，将奈之何哉？且跖之为人也，心如涌泉，意如飘风，强足以距
敌，辩足以饰非。顺其心则喜，逆其心则怒，易辱人以言。先生必无
往。”孔子不听，颜回为驭，子贡为右，往见盗跖。

盗跖乃方休卒徒大山之阳，脍人肝而囗（左“饣”右“甫”音ｂｕ
３）之。孔子下车而前，见谒者曰：“鲁人孔丘，闻将军高义，敬再
拜谒者。”谒者入通。盗跖闻之大怒，目如明星，发上指冠，曰：“
此夫鲁国之巧伪人孔丘非邪？为我告之：尔作言造语，妄称文、武，
冠枝木之冠，带死牛之胁，多辞缪说，不耕而食，不织而衣，摇唇鼓
舌，擅生是非，以迷天下之主，使天下学士不反其本，妄作孝弟，而
侥幸于封侯富贵者也。子之罪大极重，疾走归！不然，我将以子肝益
昼囗（左“饣”右“甫”）之膳。”

孔子复通曰：“丘得幸于季，愿望履幕下。”谒者复通。盗跖曰：
使来前！”孔子趋而进，避席反走，再拜盗跖。盗跖大怒，两展其足
，案剑囗（左“目”右“真”）目，声如乳虎，曰：“丘来前！若所
言顺吾意则生，逆吾心则死。”

孔子曰：“丘闻之，凡天下有三德：生而长大，美好无双，少长贵
贱见而皆说之，此上德也；知维天地，能辩诸物，此中德也；勇悍果
敢，聚众率兵，此下德也。凡人有此一德者，足以南面称孤矣。今将
军兼此三者，身长八尺二寸，面目有光，唇如激丹，齿如齐贝，音中
黄钟，而名曰盗跖，丘窃为将军耻不取焉。将军有意听臣，臣请南使
吴越，北使章鲁，东使宋卫，西使晋楚，使为将军造大城数百里，立
数十万户之邑，尊将军为诸侯，与天下更始，罢兵休卒，收养昆弟，
共祭先祖。此圣人才士之行，而天下之愿也。”

盗跖大怒曰：“丘来前！夫可规以利而可谏以言者，皆愚陋恒民之
谓耳。今长大美好，人见而悦之者，此吾父母之遗德也，丘虽不吾誉
，吾独不自知邪？且吾闻之，好面誉人者，亦好背而毁之。今丘告我
以大城众民，是欲规我以利而恒民畜我也，安可久长也！城之大者，
莫大乎天下矣。尧、舜有天下，子孙无置锥之地；汤、武立为天子，
而后世绝灭。非以其利大故邪？且吾闻之，古者禽兽多而人少，于是
民皆巢居以避之。昼拾橡栗，暮栖木上，故命之曰‘有巢氏之民’。
古者民不知衣服，夏多积薪，冬则炀之，故命之曰‘知生之民’。神
农之世，卧则居居，起则于于。民知其母，不知其父，与麋鹿共处，
耕而食，织而衣，无有相害之心。此至德之隆也。然而黄帝不能致德
，与蚩由战于涿鹿之野，流血百里。尧、舜作，立群臣，汤放其主，
武王杀纣。自是之后，以强陵弱，以众暴寡。汤、武以来，皆乱人之
徒也。今子修文、武之道，掌天下之辩，以教后世。缝衣浅带，矫言
伪行，以迷惑天下之主，而欲求富贵焉。盗莫大于子，天下何故不谓
子为盗丘，而乃谓我为盗跖？子以甘辞说子路而使从之。使子路去其
危冠，解其长剑，而受教于子。天下皆曰∶‘孔丘能止暴禁非。’，
其卒之也，子路欲杀卫君而事不成，身菹于卫东门之上，是子教之不
至也。子自谓才士圣人邪，则再逐于鲁，削迹于卫，穷于齐，围于陈
蔡，不容身于天下。子教子路菹。此患，上无以为身，下无以为人。
子之道岂足贵邪？世之所高，莫若黄帝。黄帝尚不能全德，而战于涿
鹿之野，流血百里。尧不慈，舜不孝，禹偏枯，汤放其主，武王伐纣
，文王拘囗（“美”字以“久”代“大”音ｙｏｕ３）里。此六子者
，世之所高也。孰论之，皆以利惑其真而强反其情性，其行乃甚可羞
也。世之所谓贤士：伯夷、叔齐。伯夷、叔齐辞孤竹之君，而饿死于
首阳之山，骨肉不葬。鲍焦饰行非世，抱木而死。申徒狄谏而不听，
负石自投于河，为鱼鳖所食。介子推至忠也，自割其股以食文公。文
公后背之，子推怒而去，抱木而燔死。尾生与女子期于梁下，女子不
来，水至不去，抱梁柱而死。此六子者，无异于磔犬流豕、操瓢而乞
者，皆离名轻死，不念本养寿命者也。世之所谓忠臣者，莫若王子比
干、伍子胥。子胥沉江，比干剖心。此二子者，世谓忠臣也，然卒为
天下笑。自上观之，至于子胥、比干，皆不足贵也。丘之所以说我者
，若告我以鬼事，则我不能知也；若告我以人事者，不过此矣，皆吾
所闻知也。今吾告子以人之情：目欲视色，耳欲听声，口欲察味，志
气欲盈。人上寿百岁，中寿八十，下寿六十，除病瘦死丧忧患，其中
开口而笑者，一月之中不过四五日而已矣。天与地无穷，人死者有时
。操有时之具，而托于无穷之间，忽然无异骐骥之驰过隙也。不能说
其志意、养其寿命者，皆非通道者也。丘之所言，皆吾之所弃也。亟
去走归，无复言之！子之道狂狂汲汲，诈巧虚伪事也，非可以全真也
，奚足论哉！”

孔子再拜趋走，出门上车，执辔三失，目芒然无见，色若死灰，据
轼低头，不能出气。

归到鲁东门外，适遇柳下季。柳下季曰：“今者阙然，数日不见，
车马有行色，得微往见跖邪？”孔子仰天而叹曰：“然！”柳下季曰
：“跖得逆汝意若前乎？”孔子曰：“然。丘所谓无病而自灸也。疾
走料虎头，编虎须，几不免虎口哉！”

子张问于满苟得曰：“盍不为行？无行则不信，不信则不任，不任
则不利。故观之名，计之利，而义真是也。若弃名利，反之于心，则
夫士之为行，不可一日不为乎！”满苟得曰：“无耻者富，多信者显
。夫名利之大者，几在无耻而信。故观之名，计之利，而信真是也。
若弃名利，反之于心，则夫士之为行，抱其天乎！”子张曰：“昔者
桀、纣贵为天子，富有天下。今谓臧聚曰：‘汝行如桀、纣。’则有
怍色，有不服之心者，小人所贱也。仲尼、墨翟，穷为匹夫，今谓宰
相曰‘子行如仲尼、墨翟。’则变容易色，称不足者，士诚贵也。故
势为天子，未必贵也；穷为匹夫，未必贱也。贵贱之分，在行之美恶
。”满苟得曰：“小盗者拘，大盗者为诸侯。诸侯之门，义士存焉。
昔者桓公小白杀兄入嫂，而管仲为臣；田成子常杀君窃国，而孔子受
币。论则贱之，行则下之，则是言行之情悖战于胸中也，不亦拂乎！
故《书》曰：‘孰恶孰美，成者为首，不成者为尾。’”子张曰：“
子不为行，即将疏戚无伦，贵贱无义，长幼无序。五纪六位，将何以
为别乎？”满苟得曰：“尧杀长子，舜流母弟，疏戚有伦乎？汤放桀
，武王杀纣，贵贱有义乎？王季为适，周公杀兄，长幼有序乎？儒者
伪辞，墨子兼爱，五纪六位，将有别乎？且子正为名，我正为利。名
利之实，不顺于理，不监于道。吾日与子讼于无约，曰‘小人殉财，
君子殉名，其所以变其精、易其性则异矣；乃至于弃其所为而殉其所
不为则一也。’故曰：无为小人，反殉而天；无为君子，从天之理。
若枉若直，相而天极。面观四方，与时消息。若是若非，执而圆机。
独成而意，与道徘徊。无转而行，无成而义，将失而所为。无赴而富
，无殉而成，将弃而天。比干剖心，子胥抉眼，忠之祸也；直躬证父
，尾生溺死，信之患也；鲍子立干，申子不自理，廉之害也；孔子不
见母，匡子不见父，义之失也。此上世之所传、下世之所语以为士者
，正其言，必其行，故服其殃、离其患也。”

无足问于知和曰：“人卒未有不兴名就利者。彼富则人归之，归则
下之，下则贵之。夫见下贵者，所以长生安体乐意之道也。今子独无
意焉，知不足邪？意知而力不能行邪？故推正不妄邪？”知和曰：“
今夫此人，以为与己同时而生，同乡而处者，以为夫绝俗过世之士焉
，是专无主正，所以览古今之时、是非之分也。与俗化世，去至重，
弃至尊，以为其所为也。此其所以论长生安体乐意之道，不亦远乎！
惨怛之疾，恬愉之安，不监于体；怵惕之恐，欣欣之喜，不监于心。
知为为而不知所以为。是以贵为天子，富有天下，而不免于患也。”
无足曰：“夫富之于人，无所不利。穷美究势，至人之所不得逮，贤
人之所不能及。侠人之勇力而以为威强，秉人之知谋以为明察，因人
之德以为贤良，非享国而严若君父。且夫声色滋味权势之于人，心不
待学而乐之，体不待象而安之。夫欲恶避就，固不待师，此人之性也
。天下虽非我，孰能辞之！”知和曰：“知者之为，故动以百姓，不
违其度，是以足而不争，无以为故不求。不足故求之，争四处而不自
以为贪；有余故辞之，弃天下而不自以为廉。廉贪之实，非以迫外也
，反监之度。势为天子，而不以贵骄人；富有天下，而不以财戏人。
计其患，虑其反，以为害于性，故辞而不受也，非以要名誉也。尧、
舜为帝而雍，非仁天下也，不以美害生；善卷、许由得帝而不受，非
虚辞让也，不以事害己。此皆就其利、辞其害，而天下称贤焉，则可
以有之，彼非以兴名誉也。”无足曰：“必持其名，苦体绝甘，约养
以持生，则亦久病长厄而不死者也。”知和曰：“平为福，有余为害
者，物莫不然，而财其甚者也。今富人，耳营钟鼓管囗（上“竹”下
“龠”音ｙｕｅ４）之声，口惬于刍豢醪醴之味，以感其意，遗忘其
业，可谓乱矣；囗（左“亻”右“亥”音ｇａｉ１）溺于冯气，若负
重行而上阪，可谓苦矣；贪财而取慰，贪权而取竭，静居则溺，体泽
则冯，可谓疾矣；为欲富就利，故满若堵耳而不知避，且冯而不舍，
可谓辱矣；财积而无用，服膺而不舍，满心戚醮，求益而不止，可谓
忧矣；内则疑劫请之贼，外则畏寇盗之害，内周楼疏，外不敢独行，
可谓畏矣。此六者，天下之至害也，皆遗忘而不知察。及其患至，求
尽性竭财单以反一日之无故而不可得也。故观之名则不见，求之利则
不得。缭意绝体而争此，不亦惑乎！”

Footnotes

back ¹ See vol. xxxix, pp. 157, 158.

back ² Better known as Liû-hsiâ Hui, under which designation he is mentioned both in the Confucian Analects and in Mencius, but it is an anachronism to say that Confucius was on terms of friendship with him. He was a scion of the distinguished family of Kan in Lû, and was called Kan Hwo and Kan Khin. We find, in the Zo Kwan, a son of his employed in an important expedition in B.C. 634, so that he, probably, had passed away before Confucius was born in B.C. 551, and must certainly have deceased before the death of Dze-lû (480), which is mentioned in the Book.

back ³ That is, I wish to have an interview with you, to see and speak to you face to face.

back ⁴ To take the position of a ruler in his court.

back ⁵ It is said near the beginning that Kih and his followers had ceased to offer such sacrifices;—they had no religion.

back ⁶ The descendants of those worthies were greatly reduced; but they still had a name and a place.

back ⁷ See note 2, p. 170.

back ⁸ Compare the description of this primeval time in Book X, par. 4.

back ⁹ Commonly spoken of as 'the first rebel.' See Mayers's Manual, p. 36.

back ¹⁰ Perhaps in the present Pâo-an Kâu, department of Hsüan-hwâ, Kih-lî.

back ¹¹ Referring to his setting aside his unworthy son, Tan-kû, and giving the throne to Shun.

back ¹² See in Mencius, V, i, 1. 3, 4.

back ¹³ This, I think, is the meaning; the fact was highly honourable to Yû, and brought on by his devotion to his labours.

back ¹⁴ In the present district of Thang-yin, department Khang-teh, Ho-nan. There king Wän pursued his labours on the Yî King.

back ¹⁵ A recluse of the time of Confucius, according to Han Ying (I, art. 27). After a dispute with Dze-kung, he committed suicide in the way described.

back ¹⁶ See art. 26, in the same Book of Han Ying.

back ¹⁷ See Mayers's Manual, p. 80.

back ¹⁸ Supposed to be the same with the Wei-shäng Kâo, mentioned in Analects, V, 23;—see Mayers's Manual, p. 251.

back ¹⁹ King Mû had eight famous horses, each having its own name. The name of only one—Khih-ki—is given here. See Bk. XVII, par. 5.

back ²⁰ We are told (Analects, II, 18) that Dze-kang 'studied with a view to official emolument.' This is, probably, the reason why he appears as interlocutor in this paragraph.

back ²¹ A fictitious name, meaning, 'Full of gain recklessly got.'

back ²² The name of duke Hwan.

back ²³ Compare the account of the same transaction in Book X, par. 1. See also Analects, XIV, 22. But there is no evidence but rather the contrary, that Confucius ever received a gift from Thien or Khän Häng.

back ²⁴ Exaggerations or misrepresentations.

back ²⁵ King Kî was the so-called king Kî-lî, the father of king Wän. His elder brother, that the state of Kâu might descend to him, left it, and withdrew south to what was then the wild region of Wû. See Analects, VIII, i; the Shih King, III, i, Ode 7. 3, 4.

back ²⁶ Who had joined with Wû-käng, son of the tyrant of Yin, in rebellion, thus threatening the stability of the new dynasty of Kâu.

back ²⁷ Probably what are called 'the five constant virtues.'

back ²⁸ The parties in the 'Three Bonds of Society,' or Three Cardinal Objects of Duty.

back ²⁹ So Lû Shû-kih (### = ###).

back ³⁰ If we take Wû-yo as a name, which is the simplest construction, we must still recognise its meaning as denoting 'one who is unbound by the conventionalities of opinion.' Much of what he is made to say is in rhyme, and might also be so translated.

back ³¹ See the Analects, XIII, 18.

back ³² The reading of the name here is not certain. The best identification perhaps is with Shan Shäng (###), the eldest son of duke Hsien of Zin, who was put to death on a false charge of having put poison into his father's food, from which he would not defend himself.

back ³³ A false charge.

back ³⁴ The Khwang Kang of Mencius, IV, ii, 30, q.v.

back ³⁵ Both of these names are fictitious. About the meaning of the first, there can be no difference of opinion. I have given that of the second according to my understanding of it,—see in the Lî Kî, Book XXVIII, section I.