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Introductory Notes

BOOK XXXIII. THIEN HSIÂ.

The Thien Hsiâ with which this Book commences is in regimen, and cannot be translated, so as to give an adequate idea of the scope of the Book, or even of the first paragraph to which it belongs. The phrase itself means literally 'under heaven or the sky,' and is used as a denomination of 'the kingdom,' and, even more widely, of the world' or 'all men.' 'Historical Phases of Tâoist Teaching' would be nearly descriptive of the subject-matter of the Book; but may be objected to on two grounds:—first, that a chronological method is not observed, and next, that the concluding paragraph can hardly be said to relate to Tâoism at all, but to the sophistical teachers, which abounded in the age of Kwang-dze.

Par. 1 sketches with a light hand the nature of Tâoism and the forms which it assumed from the earliest times to the era of Confucius, as imperfectly represented by him and his school.

Par. 2 introduces us to the system of Mo Tî and his school as an erroneous form of Tâoism, and departing, as it continued, farther and farther from the old model.

Par. 3 deals with a modification of Mohism, advocated by scholars who are hardly heard of elsewhere.

Par. 4 treats of a further modification of this modified Mohism, held by scholars 'whose Tâo was not the true Tâo, and whose "right" was really "wrong."'

Par. 5 goes back to the era of Lâo-dze, and mentions him and Kwan Yin, as the men who gave to the system of Tâo a grand development.

Par. 6 sets forth Kwang-dze as following in their steps and going beyond them, the brightest luminary of the system.

Par. 7 leaves Tâoism, and brings up Hui Shih and other sophists.

Whether the Book should be received as from Kwang-dze himself or from some early editor of his writings is 'a vexed question.' If it did come from his pencil, he certainly had a good opinion of himself. It is hard for a foreign student at this distant time to be called on for an opinion on the one side or the other.

Book XXXIII
Part III Section XI

Thien Hsiâ¹.

1. The methods employed in the regulation of the world² are many; and (the employers of them) think each that the efficiency of his own method leaves nothing to be added to it.

But where is what was called of old 'the method of the Tâo²?' We must reply, 'It is everywhere.' But then whence does the spiritual³ in it come down? and whence does the intelligence⁴ in it come forth? There is that which gives birth to the Sage, and that which gives his perfection to the King:—the origin of both is the One⁵.

Not to be separate from his primal source constitutes what we call the Heavenly man; not to be separate from the essential nature thereof constitutes what we call the Spirit-like man; not to be separate from its real truth constitutes what we call the Perfect man⁶.

To regard Heaven as his primal Source, Its Attributes as the Root (of his nature), and the Tâo as the Gate (by which he enters into this inheritance), (knowing also) the prognostics given in change and transformation, constitutes what we call the Sagely man⁷.

To regard benevolence as (the source of all) kindness, righteousness as (the source of all) distinctions, propriety as (the rule of) all conduct, and music as (the idea of) all harmony, thus diffusing a fragrance of gentleness and goodness, constitutes what we call the Superior man⁸.

To regard laws as assigning the different (social) conditions, their names as the outward expression (of the social duties), the comparison of subjects as supplying the grounds of evidence, investigation as conducting to certainty, so that things can be numbered as first, second, third, fourth (and so on):—(this is the basis of government). Its hundred offices are thus arranged; business has its regular course; the great matters of clothes and food are provided for; cattle are fattened and looked after; the (government) stores are filled; the old and weak, orphans and solitaries, receive anxious consideration:—in all these ways is provision made for the nourishment of the people.

How complete was (the operation of the Tâo) in the men of old! It made them the equals of spiritual beings, and subtle and all-embracing as heaven and earth. They nourished all things, and produced harmony all under heaven. Their beneficent influence reached to all classes of the people. They understood all fundamental principles, and followed them out to their graduated issues; in all the six directions went their penetration, and in the four quarters all things were open to them. Great and small, fine and coarse;—all felt their presence and operation. Their intelligence, as seen in all their regulations, was handed down from age to age in their old laws, and much of it was still to be found in the Historians. What of it was in the Shih, the Shû, the Lî, and the Yo, might be learned from the scholars of Zâu⁹ and Lû⁹', and the girdled members of the various courts. The Shih describes what should be the aim of the mind; the Shû, the course of events; the Lî is intended to direct the conduct; the Yo, to set forth harmony; the Yî, to show the action of the Yin and Yang; and the Khun Khiû, to display names and the duties belonging to them.

Some of the regulations (of these men of old), scattered all under heaven, and established in our Middle states, are (also) occasionally mentioned and described in the writings of the different schools.

There ensued great disorder in the world, and sages and worthies no longer shed their light on it. The Tâo and its characteristics ceased to be regarded as uniform. Many in different places got one glimpse of it, and plumed themselves on possessing it as a whole. They might be compared to the ear, the eye, the nose, or the mouth. Each sense has its own faculty, but their different faculties cannot be interchanged. So it was with the many branches of the various schools. Each had its peculiar excellence, and there was the time for the use of it; but notwithstanding no one covered or extended over the whole (range of truth). The case was that of the scholar of a corner who passes his judgment on all the beautiful in heaven and earth, discriminates the principles that underlie all things, and attempts to estimate the success arrived at by the ancients. Seldom is it that such an one can embrace all the beautiful in heaven and earth, or rightly estimate the ways of the spiritual and intelligent; and thus it was that the Tâo, which inwardly forms the sage and externally the king¹⁰, became obscured and lost its clearness, became repressed and lost its development. Every one in the world did whatever he wished, and was the rule to himself. Alas! the various schools held on their several ways, and could not come back to the same point, nor agree together. The students of that later age unfortunately did not see the undivided purity of heaven and earth, and the great scheme of truth held by the ancients. The system of the Tâo was about to be torn in fragments all under the sky.

2. To leave no example of extravagance to future generations; to show no wastefulness in the use of anything; to make no display in the degree of their (ceremonial) observances; to keep themselves (in their expenditure) under the restraint of strict and exact rule, so as to be prepared for occurring emergencies;—such regulations formed part of the system of the Tâo in antiquity, and were appreciated by Mo Tî, and (his disciple) Khin Hwa-lî¹¹. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them; but they enjoined them in excess, and followed them themselves too strictly. (Mo) made the treatise 'Against Music,' and enjoined the subject of another, called 'Economy in Expenditure,' on his followers. He would have no singing in life, and no wearing of mourning on occasions of death. He inculcated Universal Love, and a Common Participation in all advantages, and condemned Fighting. His doctrine did not admit of Anger. He was fond also of Learning, and with it all strove not to appear different from others. Yet he did not agree with the former kings, but attacked the ceremonies and music of the ancients.

Hwang-Tî had his Hsien-khih; Yâo, his Tâ Kang; Shun, his Tâ Shâo; Yü, his Tâ Hsiâ; Thang, his Tâ Hû; king Wän, his music of the Phi-yung¹²; and king Wû and the duke of Kâu made the Wû.

In the mourning rites of the ancients, the noble and mean had their several observances, the high and low their different degrees. The coffin of the Son of Heaven was sevenfold; of a feudal lord, fivefold; of a great officer, threefold; of other officers, twofold. But now Mo-dze alone, would have no singing during life, and no wearing of mourning after death. As the rule for all, he would have a coffin of elaeococca wood, three inches thick, and without any enclosing shell. The teaching of such lessons cannot be regarded as affording a proof of his love for men; his practising them in his own case would certainly show that he did not love himself; but this has not been sufficient to overthrow the views of Mo-dze. Notwithstanding, men will sing, and he condemns singing; men will wail, and he condemns wailing; men will express their joy, and he condemns such expression:—is this truly in accordance with man's nature? Through life toil, and at death niggardliness:—his way is one of great unkindliness. Causing men sorrow and melancholy, and difficult to be carried into practice, I fear it cannot be regarded as the way of a sage. Contrary to the minds of men everywhere, men will not endure it. Though Mo-dze himself might be able to endure it, how can the aversion of the world to it be overcome? The world averse to it, it must be far from the way of the (ancient) kings.

Mo-dze, in praise of his views, said, 'Anciently, when Yü was draining off the waters of the flood, he set free the channels of the Kiang and the Ho, and opened communications with them from the regions of the four Î and the nine provinces. The famous hills with which he dealt were 300, the branch streams were 3000, and the smaller ones innumerable. With his own hands he carried the sack and wielded the spade, till he had united all the streams of the country (conducting them to the sea). There was no hair left on his legs from the knee to the ankle. He bathed his hair in the violent wind, and combed it in the pelting rain, thus marking out the myriad states. Yü was a great sage, and thus he toiled in the service of the world.' The effect of this is that in this later time most of the Mohists wear skins and dolychos cloth, with shoes of wood or twisted hemp, not stopping day or night, but considering such toiling on their part as their highest achievement. They say that he who cannot do this is acting contrary to the way of Yü, and not fit to be a Mohist.

The disciples of Khin of Hsiang-lî¹³, the followers of the various feudal lords¹⁴; and Mohists of the south, such as Khû Hu¹⁵, Ki Khih¹⁵, and Täng Ling-dze¹⁵, all repeated the texts of Mo, but they differed in the objections which they offered to them, and in their deceitful glosses they called one another Mohists of different schools. They had their disputations, turning on 'what was hard,' and 'what was white,' what constituted 'sameness' and what 'difference,' and their expressions about the difference between 'the odd' and the even,' with which they answered one another. They regarded their most distinguished member as a sage, and wished to make him their chief, hoping that he would be handed down as such to future ages. To the present day these controversies are not determined.

The idea of Mo Tî and Khin Hwa-lî was good, but their practice was wrong. They would have made the Mohists of future ages feel it necessary to toil themselves, till there was not a hair on their legs, and still be urging one another on; (thus producing a condition) superior indeed to disorder, but inferior to the result of good government. Nevertheless, Mo-dze was indeed one of the best men in the world, which you may search without finding his equal. Decayed and worn (his person) might be, but he is not to be rejected,—a scholar of ability indeed!

3. To keep from being entangled by prevailing customs; to shun all ornamental attractions in one's self; not to be reckless in his conduct to others; not to set himself stubbornly against a multitude; to desire the peace and repose of the world in order to preserve the lives of the people; and to cease his action when enough had been obtained for the nourishment of others and himself, showing that this was the aim of his mind;—such a scheme belonged to the system of the Tâo in antiquity¹⁶, and it was appreciated by Sung Hsing¹⁷ and Yin Wän¹⁷. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They made the Hwa-shan cap, and wore it as their distinguishing badge¹⁸. In their intercourse with others, whatever their differences might be, they began by being indulgent to them. Their name for 'the Forbearance of the Mind' was 'the Action of the Mind.' By the warmth of affection they sought the harmony of joy, and to blend together all within the four seas; and their wish was to plant this everywhere as the chief thing to be pursued. They endured insult without feeling it a disgrace; they sought to save the people from fighting; they forbade aggression and sought to hush the weapons of strife, to save their age from war. In this way they went everywhere, counselling the high and instructing the low. Though the world might not receive them, they only insisted on their object the more strongly, and would not abandon it. Hence it is said, 'The high and the low might be weary of them, but they were strong to show themselves.'

Notwithstanding all this, they acted too much out of regard to others, and too little for themselves. It was as if they said, 'What we request and wish is simply that there may be set down for us five pints of rice;—that will be enough.' But I fear the Master would not get his fill from this; and the disciples, though famishing, would still have to be mindful of the world, and, never stopping day or night, have to say, 'Is it necessary I should preserve my life? Shall I scheme how to exalt myself above the master, the saviour of the age?'

It was moreover as if they said, 'The superior man does not censoriously scrutinize (the faults of others); he does not borrow from others to supersede his own endeavours; when any think that he is of no use to the world, he knows that their intelligence is inferior to his own; he considers the prohibition of aggression and causing the disuse of arms to be an external achievement, and the making his own desires to be few and slight to be the internal triumph.' Such was their discrimination between the great and the small, the subtle and the coarse; and with the attainment of this they stopped.

4. Public-spirited, and with nothing of the partizan; easy and compliant, without any selfish partialities; capable of being led, without any positive tendencies; following in the wake of others, without any double mind; not looking round because of anxious thoughts; not scheming in the exercise of their wisdom; not choosing between parties, but going along with all;—all such courses belonged to the Tâoists of antiquity, and they were appreciated by Phäng Mäng¹⁹, Thien Phien¹⁹, and Shän Tâo¹⁹. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They considered that the first thing for them to do was to adjust the controversies about different things. They said, 'Heaven can cover, but it cannot sustain; Earth can contain, but it cannot cover. The Great Tâo embraces all things, but It does not discriminate between them.'

They knew that all things have what they can do and what they cannot do. Hence it is said, 'If you select, you do not reach all; if you teach some things, you must omit the others; but the Tâo neglects none.' Therefore Shän Tâo discarded his knowledge and also all thought of himself, acting only where he had no alternative, and pursued it as his course to be indifferent and pure in his dealings with others. He said that the best knowledge was to have no knowledge, and that if we had a little knowledge it was likely to prove a dangerous thing. Conscious of his unfitness, he undertook no charge, and laughed at those who valued ability and virtue. Remiss and evasive, he did nothing, and disallowed the greatest sages which the world had known. Now with a hammer, now with his hand, smoothing all corners, and breaking all bonds, he accommodated himself to all conditions. He disregarded right and wrong, his only concern being to avoid trouble; he learned nothing from the wise and thoughtful, and took no note of the succession of events, thinking only of carrying himself with a lofty disregard of everything. He went where he was pushed, and followed where he was led, like a whirling wind, like a feather tossed about, like the revolutions of a grindstone.

What was the reason that he appeared thus complete, doing nothing wrong? that, whether in motion or at rest, he committed no error, and could be charged with no transgression? Creatures that have no knowledge are free from the troubles that arise from self-assertion and the entanglements that spring from the use of knowledge. Moving and at rest) they do not depart from their proper course, and all their life long they do not receive any praise. Hence (Shän Tâo) said, 'Let me come to be like a creature without knowledge. Of what use are the (teachings of the) sages and worthies?' But a clod of earth never fails in the course (proper for it), and men of spirit and eminence laughed together at him, and said, 'The way of Shän Tâo does not describe the conduct of living men; that it should be predicable only of the dead is strange indeed!'

It was just the same with Thien Phien. He learned under Phäng Mäng, but it was as if he were not taught at all. The master of Phäng Mäng said, 'The Tâoist professors of old came no farther than to say that nothing was absolutely right and nothing absolutely wrong.' His spirit was like the breath of an opposing wind; how can it be described in words? But he was always contrary to (the views of) other men, which he would not bring together to view, and he did not escape shaving the corners and bonds (of which I have spoken). What he called the Tâo was not the true Tâo, and what he called the right was really the wrong

Phäng Mäng, Thien Phien, and Shin Tâo did not in fact know the Tâo; but nevertheless they had heard in a general way about it.

5. To take the root (from which things spring) as the essential (part), and the things as its coarse (embodiment); to see deficiency in accumulation; and in the solitude of one's individuality to dwell with the spirit-like and intelligent;—such a course belonged to the Tâo of antiquity, and it was appreciated by Kwan Yin²⁰ and Lâo Tan²¹. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They built their system on the assumption of an eternal non-existence, and made the ruling idea in it that of the Grand Unity. They made weakness and humility their mark of distinction, and considered that by empty vacuity no injury could be sustained, but all things be preserved in their substantiality.

Kwan Yin²⁰ says, 'To him who does not dwell in himself the forms of things show themselves as they are. His movement is like that of water; his stillness is like that of a mirror; his response is like that of the echo. His tenuity makes him seem to be disappearing altogether; he is still as a clear (lake), harmonious in his association with others, and he counts gain as loss. He does not take precedence of others, but follows them.' Lâo Tan²¹ says, 'He knows his masculine power, but maintains his female weakness,—becoming the channel into which all streams flow. He knows his white purity, but keeps his disgrace,—becoming the valley of the world. Men all prefer to be first; he alone chooses to be last, saying, "I will receive the offscourings of the world." Men all choose fulness; he alone chooses emptiness. He does not store, and therefore he has a superabundance; he looks solitary, but has a multitude around him. In his conducting of himself he is easy and leisurely and wastes nothing. He does nothing, and laughs at the clever and ingenious. Men all seek for happiness, but he feels complete in his imperfect condition, and says, "Let me only escape blame." He regards what is deepest as his root, and what is most restrictive as his rule; and says, "The strong is broken; the sharp and pointed is blunted²²." He is always generous and forbearing with others, and does not encroach on any man;—this may be pronounced the height (of perfection).'

O Kwan Yin, and Lâo Tan, ye were among the greatest men of antiquity; True men indeed!

6. That the shadowy and still is without bodily form; that change and transformation are ever proceeding, but incapable of being determined. What is death? What is life? What is meant by the union of Heaven and Earth? Does the spiritual intelligence go away? Shadowy, where does it go? Subtle, whither does it proceed? All things being arranged as they are, there is no one place which can be fitly ascribed to it. Such were the questions belonging to the scheme of Tâo in antiquity, and they were appreciated by Kwang Kâu. When he heard of such subjects, he was delighted with them. (He discussed them), using strange and mystical expressions, wild and extravagant words, and phrases to which no definite meaning could be assigned. He constantly indulged his own wayward ideas, but did not make himself a partisan, nor look at them as peculiar to himself. Considering that men were sunk in stupidity and could not be talked to in dignified style, he employed the words of the cup of endless application, with important quotations to substantiate the truth, and an abundance of corroborative illustrations. He chiefly cared to occupy himself with the spirit-like operation of heaven and earth, and did not try to rise above the myriads of things. He did not condemn the agreements and differences of others, so that he might live in peace with the prevalent views. Though his writings may seem to be sparkling trifles, there is no harm in amusing one's self with them; though his phraseology be ever-varying, its turns and changes are worth being looked at;—the fulness and completeness of his ideas cannot be exhausted. Above he seeks delight in the Maker; below, he has a friendly regard to those who consider life and death as having neither beginning nor end. As regards his dealing with the Root (origin of all things), he is comprehensive and great, opening up new views, deep, vast, and free. As regards the Author and Master (the Great Tâo Itself), he may be pronounced exact and correct, carrying our thoughts to range and play on high. Nevertheless on the subject of transformation, and the emancipation of that from (the thraldom of) things, his principles are inexhaustible, and are not derived from his predecessors. They are subtle and obscure, and cannot be fully explained²³.

7. Hui Shih²⁴ had many ingenious notions. His writings would fill five carriages; but his doctrines were erroneous and contradictory, and his words were wide of their mark. Taking up one thing after another, he would say:—'That which is so great that there is nothing outside it may be called the Great One; and that which is so small that there is nothing inside it may be called the Small One.' 'What has no thickness and will not admit of being repeated is 1000 lî in size²⁵.' 'Heaven may be as low as the earth.' 'A mountain may be as level as a marsh.' 'The sun in the meridian may be the sun declining.' 'A creature may be born to life and may die at the same time.' '(When it is said that) things greatly alike are different from things a little alike, this is what is called making little of agreements and differences; (when it is said that) all things are entirely alike or entirely different, this is what is called making much of agreements and differences.' 'The south is unlimited and yet has a limit.' 'I proceed to Yueh to-day and came to it yesterday.' 'Things which are joined together can be separated.' 'I know the centre of the world;—it is north of Yen or south of Yueh.' 'If all things be regarded with love, heaven and earth are of one body (with me).'

Hui Shih by such sayings as these made himself very conspicuous throughout the kingdom, and was considered an able debater. All other debaters vied with one another and delighted in similar exhibitions. (They would say), 'There are feathers in an egg.' 'A fowl has three feet.' 'The kingdom belongs to Ying.' 'A dog might have been (called) a sheep.' 'A tadpole has a tail.' 'Fire is not hot.' 'A mountain gives forth a voice.' 'A wheel does not tread on the ground.' 'The eye does not see.' 'The finger indicates, but needs not touch, (the object).' 'Where you come to may not be the end.' 'The tortoise is longer than the snake.' 'The carpenter's square is not square.' 'A compass should not itself be round.' 'A chisel does not surround its handle.' 'The shadow of a flying bird does not (itself) move.' 'Swift as the arrowhead is, there is a time when it is neither flying nor at rest.' 'A dog is not a hound.' 'A bay horse and a black ox are three.' 'A white dog is black.' 'A motherless colt never had a mother.' 'If from a stick a foot long you every day take the half of it, in a myriad ages it will not be exhausted.'—It was in this way that the debaters responded to Hui Shih, all their lifetime, without coming to an end.

Hwan Twan²⁶ and Kung-sun Lung²⁷ were true members of this class. By their specious representations they threw a glamour over men's minds and altered their ideas. They vanquished men in argument, but could not subdue their minds, only keeping them in the enclosure of their sophistry. Hui Shih daily used his own knowledge and the arguments of others to propose strange theses to all debaters such was his practice. At the same time he would talk freely of himself, thinking himself the ablest among them, and saying, 'In heaven or earth who is my match?' Shih maintained indeed his masculine energy, but he had not the art (of controversy).

In the south there was a man of extraordinary views, named Hwang Liâo²⁸, who asked him how it was that the sky did not fall nor the earth sink, and what was the cause of wind, rain, and the thunder's roll and crash. Shih made no attempt to evade the questions, and answered him without any exercise of thought, talking about all things, without pause, on and on without end; yet still thinking that his words were few, and adding to them the strangest observations. He thought that to contradict others was a real triumph, and wished to make himself famous by overcoming them; and on this account he was not liked by the multitude of debaters. He was weak in real attainment, though he might seem strong in comparison with others, and his way was narrow and dark. If we look at Hui Shih's ability from the standpoint of Heaven and Earth, it was only like the restless activity of a mosquito or gadfly; of what service was it to anything? To give its full development to any one capacity is a good thing, and he who does so is in the way to a higher estimation of the Tâo; but Hui Shih could find no rest for himself in doing this. He diffused himself over the world of things without satiety, till in the end he had only the reputation of being a skilful debater. Alas! Hui Shih, with all his talents, vast as they were, made nothing out; he pursued all subjects and never came back (with success). It was like silencing an echo by his shouting, or running a race with his shadow. Alas!

庄子·杂篇·天下第三十三

天下之治方术者多矣，皆以有为不可加矣！古之所谓道术者，果恶
乎在？曰：“无乎不在。”曰∶“神何由降？明何由出？”“圣有所
生，王有所成，皆原于一。”不离于宗，谓之天人；不离于精，谓之
神人；不离于真，谓之至人。以天为宗，以德为本，以道为门，兆于
变化，谓之圣人；以仁为恩，以义为理，以礼为行，以乐为和，熏然
慈仁，谓之君子；以法为分，以名为表，以参为验，以稽为决，其数
一二三四是也，百官以此相齿；以事为常，以衣食为主，蕃息畜藏，
老弱孤寡为意，皆有以养，民之理也。古之人其备乎！配神明，醇天
地，育万物，和天下，泽及百姓，明于本数，系于末度，六通四辟，
小大精粗，其运无乎不在。其明而在数度者，旧法、世传之史尚多有
之；其在于《诗》、《书》、《礼》、《乐》者，邹鲁之士、囗（左
“扌”右“晋”）绅先生多能明之。《诗》以道志，《书》以道事，
《礼》以道行，《乐》以道和，《易》以道阴阳，《春秋》以道名分
。其数散于天下而设于中国者，百家之学时或称而道之。

天下大乱，贤圣不明，道德不一。天下多得一察焉以自好。譬如耳
目鼻口，皆有所明，不能相通。犹百家众技也，皆有所长，时有所用
。虽然，不该不遍，一曲之士也。判天地之美，析万物之理，察古人
之全。寡能备于天地之美，称神明之容。是故内圣外王之道，暗而不
明，郁而不发，天下之人各为其所欲焉以自为方。悲夫！百家往而不
反，必不合矣！后世之学者，不幸不见天地之纯，古人之大体。道术
将为天下裂。

不侈于后世，不靡于万物，不晖于数度，以绳墨自矫，而备世之急
。古之道术有在于是者，墨翟、禽滑厘闻其风而说之。为之大过，已
之大顺。作为《非乐》，命之曰《节用》。生不歌，死无服。墨子泛
爱兼利而非斗，其道不怒。又好学而博，不异，不与先王同，毁古之
礼乐。黄帝有《咸池》，尧有《大章》，舜有《大韶》，禹有《大夏
》，汤有《大囗》（“镬”字以“氵”代“金”），文王有辟雍之乐
，武王、周公作《武》。古之丧礼，贵贱有仪，上下有等。天子棺椁
七重，诸侯五重，大夫三重，士再重。今墨子独生不歌，死无服，桐
棺三寸而无椁，以为法式。以此教人，恐不爱人；以此自行，固不爱
己。未败墨子道。虽然，歌而非歌，哭而非哭，乐而非乐，是果类乎
？其生也勤，其死也薄，其道大囗（“款”字以“角”代“示”以“
殳”代“欠”音ｑｕｅ４）。使人忧，使人悲，其行难为也。恐其不
可以为圣人之道，反天下之心。天下不堪。墨子虽独能任，奈天下何
！离于天下，其去王也远矣！墨子称道曰：“昔禹之湮洪水，决江河
而通四夷九州也。名川三百，支川三千，小者无数。禹亲自操橐耜而
九杂天下之川。腓无囗（“跋”字以“月”代“足”），胫无毛，沐
甚雨，栉疾风，置万国。禹大圣也，而形劳天下也如此。”使后世之
墨者，多以裘褐为衣，以屐囗（左“足”右“乔”音ｊｕｅ２）为服
，日夜不休，以自苦为极，曰：“不能如此，非禹之道也，不足谓墨
。”相里勤之弟子，五侯之徒，南方之墨者若获、已齿、邓陵子之属
，俱诵《墨经》，而倍谲不同，相谓别墨。以坚白同异之辩相訾，以
奇偶不仵之辞相应，以巨子为圣人。皆愿为之尸，冀得为其后世，至
今不决。墨翟、禽滑厘之意则是，其行则非也。将使后世之墨者，必
以自苦腓无囗（“跋”字以“月”代“足”）、胫无毛相进而已矣。
乱之上也，治之下也。虽然，墨子真天下之好也，将求之不得也，虽
枯槁不舍也，才士也夫！

不累于俗，不饰于物，不苟于人，不忮于众，愿天下之安宁以活民
命，人我之养，毕足而止，以此白心。古之道术有在于是者，宋囗（
左“金”右“开”音ｊｉａｎ１）、尹文闻其风而悦之。作为华山之
冠以自表，接万物以别宥为始。语心之容，命之曰“心之行”。以囗
（左“耳”右“而”音ｅｒ２）合欢，以调海内。请欲置之以为主。
见侮不辱，救民之斗，禁攻寝兵，救世之战。以此周行天下，上说下
教。虽天下不取，强聒而不舍者也。故曰：上下见厌而强见也。虽然
，其为人太多，其自为太少，曰：“请欲固置五升之饭足矣。”先生
恐不得饱，弟子虽饥，不忘天下，日夜不休。曰：“我必得活哉！”
图傲乎救世之士哉！曰：“君子不为苛察，不以身假物。”以为无益
于天下者，明之不如已也。以禁攻寝兵为外，以情欲寡浅为内。其小
大精粗，其行适至是而止。

公而不党，易而无私，决然无主，趣物而不两，不顾于虑，不谋于
知，于物无择，与之俱往。古之道术有在于是者，彭蒙、田骈、慎到
闻其风而悦之。齐万物以为首，曰：“天能覆之而不能载之，地能载
之而不能覆之，大道能包之而不能辩之。”知万物皆有所可，有所不
可。故曰：“选则不遍，教则不至，道则无遗者矣。”是故慎到弃知
去己，而缘不得已。泠汰于物，以为道理。曰：“知不知，将薄知而
后邻伤之者也。”囗（左“讠”右“奚”音ｘｉ３）髁无任，而笑天
下之尚贤也；纵脱无行，而非天下之大圣；推拍囗（左“车”右“完
”）断，与物宛转；舍是与非，苟可以免。不师知虑，不知前后，魏
然而已矣。推而后行，曳而后往。若飘风之还，若羽之旋，若磨石之
隧，全而无非，动静无过，未尝有罪。是何故？夫无知之物，无建己
之患，无用知之累，动静不离于理，是以终身无誉。故曰：“至于若
无知之物而已，无用贤圣。夫块不失道。”豪桀相与笑之曰：“慎到
之道，非生人之行，而至死人之理。”适得怪焉。田骈亦然，学于彭
蒙，得不教焉。彭蒙之师曰：“古之道人，至于莫之是、莫之非而已
矣。其风囗（上“穴”下“或”音ｘｕ４）然，恶可而言。”常反人
，不见观，而不免于囗（左“鱼”右“元”音ｙｕａｎ２）断。其所
谓道非道，而所言之韪不免于非。彭蒙、田骈、慎到不知道。虽然，
概乎皆尝有闻者也。

以本为精，以物为粗，以有积为不足，澹然独与神明居。古之道术
有在于是者，关尹、老聃闻其风而悦之。建之以常无有，主之以太一
。以濡弱谦下为表，以空虚不毁万物为实。关尹曰：“在己无居，形
物自著。”其动若水，其静若镜，其应若响。芴乎若亡，寂乎若清。
同焉者和，得焉者失。未尝先人而常随人。老聃曰：“知其雄，守其
雌，为天下溪；知其白，守其辱，为天下谷。”人皆取先，己独取后
。曰：“受天下之垢”。人皆取实，己独取虚。“无藏也故有余”。
岿然而有余。其行身也，徐而不费，无为也而笑巧。人皆求福，己独
曲全。曰：“苟免于咎”。以深为根，以约为纪。曰：“坚则毁矣，
锐则挫矣”。常宽容于物，不削于人。虽未至于极，关尹、老聃乎，
古之博大真人哉！

寂漠无形，变化无常，死与？生与？天地并与？神明往与？芒乎何
之？忽乎何适？万物毕罗，莫足以归。古之道术有在于是者，庄周闻
其风而悦之。以谬悠之说，荒唐之言，无端崖之辞，时恣纵而傥，不
奇见之也。以天下为沈浊，不可与庄语。以卮言为曼衍，以重言为真
，以寓言为广。独与天地精神往来，而不敖倪于万物。不谴是非，以
与世俗处。其书虽瑰玮，而连囗（左“犭”右“卞”音ｆａｎ１）无
伤也。其辞虽参差，而囗（左“讠”右“叔”音ｃｈｕ４）诡可观。
彼其充实，不可以已。上与造物者游，而下与外死生、无终始者为友
。其于本也，弘大而辟，深闳而肆；其于宗也，可谓稠适而上遂矣。
虽然，其应于化而解于物也，其理不竭，其来不蜕，芒乎昧乎，未之
尽者。

惠施多方，其书五车，其道舛驳，其言也不中。历物之意，曰：“
至大无外，谓之大一；至小无内，谓之小一。无厚，不可积也，其大
千里。天与地卑，山与泽平。日方中方睨，物方生方死。大同而与小
同异，此之谓‘小同异’；万物毕同毕异，此之谓‘大同异’。南方
无穷而有穷。今日适越而昔来。连环可解也。我知天之中央，燕之北
、越之南是也。泛爱万物，天地一体也。”惠施以此为大，观于天下
而晓辩者，天下之辩者相与乐之。卵有毛。鸡有三足。郢有天下。犬
可以为羊。马有卵。丁子有尾。火不热。山出口。轮不囗（左“足”
右“展”）地。目不见。指不至，至不绝。龟长于蛇。矩不方，规不
可以为圆。凿不围枘。飞鸟之景未尝动也。镞矢之疾，而有不行、不
止之时。狗非犬。黄马骊牛三。白狗黑。孤驹未尝有母。一尺之捶，
日取其半，万世不竭。辩者以此与惠施相应，终身无穷。桓团、公孙
龙辩者之徒，饰人之心，易人之意，能胜人之口，不能服人之心，辩
者之囿也。惠施日以其知与之辩，特与天下之辩者为怪，此其柢也。
然惠施之口谈，自以为最贤，曰：“天地其壮乎，施存雄而无术。”
南方有倚人焉，曰黄缭，问天地所以不坠不陷，风雨雷霆之故。惠施
不辞而应，不虑而对，遍为万物说。说而不休，多而无已，犹以为寡
，益之以怪，以反人为实，而欲以胜人为名，是以与众不适也。弱于
德，强于物，其涂囗（左“阝”右“奥”音ａｏ４）矣。由天地之道
观惠施之能，其犹一蚊一虻之劳者也。其于物也何庸！夫充一尚可，
曰愈贵，道几矣！惠施不能以此自宁，散于万物而不厌，卒以善辩为
名。惜乎！惠施之才，骀荡而不得，逐万物而不反，是穷响以声，形
与影竞走也，悲夫！

Footnotes

back ¹ See vol. xxxix, pp. 162, 163.

back ² All the methods of educational training and schemes of governmental policy, advocated by 'the hundred schools' of human wisdom in contradistinction from the method or art of the Tâo. Fang Shû has little more meaning than our word 'nostrum.'

back ³ Which forms the sage.

back ⁴ Which forms the sage king.

back ⁵ Or, one and the same.

back ⁶ Compare the three definitions in Book I, par. 3.

back ⁷ Here we have five definitions of the 'Man of Tâo.'

back ⁸ Still within the circle of the Tâo, but inferior to the five above.

back ⁹ These scholars were pre-eminently Confucius and Mencius. In this brief phrase is the one recognition, by our author, of the existence and work of Mencius, who was 'the scholar of Zâu.' But one is not prepared for the comparatively favourable judgment passed on those scholars, and on what we call the Confucian classics. The reading Zâu has not been challenged, and can only be understood of Mencius.

back ¹⁰ Compare 'the spiritual' and 'the intelligence' near the commencement, and the notes 3 and 4.

back ¹¹ Thus Mohism. appears as an imperfect Tâoism. Mo (or Meh) Tî was a great officer of the state of Sung, of the period between Confucius and Mencius. He left many treatises behind him, of which only a few, but the most important, survive. Khin Hwa-lî seems to have been his chief disciple. He says, in one place, 'Khin Hwa-lî and my other disciples,—300 men.'

back ¹² The name of the great hall built by king Wan, and still applied to the examination hall of the Han-lin graduates in Peking. {footnote p. 219"> What the special music made for it by Wän was called, I do not know.

back ¹³ Some say this Khin was the preceptor of Mo Tî.

back ¹⁴ Easily translated; but the statement has not been historically illustrated.

back ¹⁵ Known only by the mention of them here.

back ¹⁶ It is difficult to understand the phases of the Tâo here referred to.

back ¹⁷ Both these men are said to have been of the time of king Hsüan of Khî. In the Catalogue of the Imperial Library of Han, Yin Wän appears, but not among the Tâoist writers, as the author {footnote p. 222"> of 'one Treatise.' He is said also to have been the preceptor of Kung-sun Lung.

back ¹⁸ I cannot fashion the shape of this cap or of the Hwa mountain in my own mind,—'flat both above and below.'

back ¹⁹ Thien Phien is mentioned in the Han Catalogue, among the Tâoist writers, as a native of Khî, and an author of twenty-five phien. Shän Tâo also appears among the legal writers, as author of forty-two phien. He is mentioned by Han Fei.

back ²⁰ Kwan Yin;—see Book XIX, par. 2, and vol. xxxix, p. 35. In the Catalogue of the Han Library there is an entry of a work by Kwan Yin in nine phien; and there is still a work current in China, called Kwan Yin-dze in one küan, but it is not generally received as genuine.

back ²¹ See the account of Lâo-dze in vol. xxxix, pp. 34-36.

back ²² From the 'Lâo Tan says' down to this, may be said to be all quotation, with more or less exactness, from the Tâo Teh King. See chaps. 28, 22, et al.

back ²³ The question of the genuineness of this paragraph has been touched on in vol. xxxix, p. 163. Whether from himself or from some disciple, it celebrates Kwang-dze as the chief and most interesting of all ancient Tâoist writers.

back ²⁴ Introduced to us in the first Book of our author, and often mentioned in the intervening Books. He was not a Tâoist, but we are glad to have the account of him here given, as enabling us to understand better the intellectual life of China in Kwang-dze's time.

back ²⁵ It is of little use trying to find the answers to these sayings of Hui Shih and others. They are only riddles or paradoxes.

back ²⁶ Elsewhere unknown.

back ²⁷ See Book XVII, par. 10.

back ²⁸ Elsewhere unknown.